EkfiC'GAN COILE'GE
KE$EAltCH INSTITUTE
VOlitOMB rv
(l»U-4«]
POONA
Printed by M. N. Kuikarni at the Kamatak Printing Press, Chira Bazar, Bombay 2
and published by Dr. S. M. Katre for the Deccan College Post-graduate and
Research Institute, Poona 1.
CONTENTS
A Descriptive Catalogue of Manuscripts from the Vinayak Mahadcv Gorhe
Collection of the Deccan College Post-Graduate and Research Institute,
Poona— R. G. Harshe . .
On the Definitioin of the Morpheme— C. R. Sankaran and M. G. Venkatesiah
O n the Sub class of <>-Phoneme— C. R. Sankaran
A Maratha Chiefs Interest in the Ancient and Modern Science of Warfare —
T. S. Shejwalkar
A UniCjjc Maratha Marriage-Invitation to the Dead — T. S. Shejwalkar
C apture of Kennery (or lOianderi) Island by Sivaji — B. K. Apte .
The Bhuleshvar Temple near Yavat — A. Naik
On the tt-Phonemc— C. R Sankaran
A Manuscript of the MtTat-i~Sikandan- y\. A. Chac.iiatai
sivaji’s Raid on Busrur— T. S. Shejwalkar ... ...
Cuirjara-Pratihara Monuments ; A study in Regional and Dynastic Distribu-
tion of North Indian M(>numents -HD. Sankalia
A Ballad on Bhau and the Panipat in Hindustani - T. S. Shejwalkar
S tudies in Prehistory of the Deccan (Maharashtra) : A Sur\ey of the Godavari
and the Kadva, near Niphad- II. D. Sankalia
.A n Unrecorded Kanara Campaign by the Marathas-T. S. Shejwalkar
K inship Terminology and usages in Gujarat and Kathiawad- - 1. Karve
U npaninian Forms and Usages in the Critical Edition of the Mahabharata
- E. D. Klilkarni ....
A Descriptive Handlist of the Arabic, Persian and Hindusthanl MSS belonging
to the Satara Historical Museum at present lodged at the Deccan College
Research Institute, Poona — C. H. Shaikh ....
Totality -C. R. Sankaran and M G. Venkatesiah ...
Tlie ‘ Spoken Word ’ in Sanskrit Triterature — V. M. Apte
S ome Problems regarding Samagana that await investigation : A Statement
—V. M. Apte ......
Sound-Record of Samaganas ; A Prospect and Retrospect— V. M. Apte
T he Contribution of the Sabara-Bhasya to Rgveda Exegesis * D. V. Garge
D id Sahara belong to the Maitrayanlya School of the Yajurveda ’ — D. V.
Garce
An Examination of variants in later Sariihitas of Mantras nted by Pratikas
in the Aitoreya Brahmaiia and not traced to the Rgveda— P. K.
NARAYANA PlLLAI ... ...
Malik HajjVs Garden House Inscription — ^M. A. Chaghatai
Peshwa Madhav Rao I — T. S. Shejwalkar
A note on the Copper Swords from Kallur A. V. Naik
Notes on political and cultural history oif Konkan— MoRf:sHWAR C. Dikshit
Pracya, The Dialect of the Vidusaka — D. G. Koparkar
1
50
54
80
81
%
121
127
135
147
161
186
204
209
227
246
263
269
280
296
315
329
340
358
363
376
379
387
ANNOUNCEMENT
V. S. Sukthankar Memorial Volume of the Bulletin , . 208
REVIEWS
Ancient Vijiiaptipatras — H. D. S. ... 91
Magadha Architecture and Culture- H. D. S . 92
Studies in the History of the British in India — T. S. S 92
A Grammar of the Oldest KanarCvSe Inscriptions— C, R. Sankaran . . 154
Rama Paijivada's Kathsavaho — V. M. Apte , . 398
The Tarikh-iMuzaffar Shalti -M. A. Chaghatai 399
Acknowledgment 94, 402
A DESCRIPTIVE CATALOGUE OF MANUSCRIPTS FROM
THE VINAYAK MAHADEVA GORHE COLLECTION
OF THE DECCAN COLLEGE POST-GRADUATE
AND RESEARCH INSTITUTE, POONA.
By
R. G. Harshe
Introduction :
Of the 124 San^rit manuscripts* so ijenerously donated by Mr. Vina-
yak Mahadeva Gothe of Puntambe, District Ahmednagar, as many as 76
are complete and the rest incomplete. Most of the MSS. are in excellent condi-
tion, though when offered to the Institute they were all in a jumble of fdios.
It took more than a month to disentangle eacn manuscript from the heap of
folios and arra^e it properly. But the work was worth the trouble inasmuch
as 17 MSS. are not to be found in Aufrecht’s Catdogus Cdalogorum
and 32 in the Government MSS. Library at the Bhandarkar Oriental Re-
search Institute. There are 54 different authors mentioned in the MSS., and
we have a list of 30 scribes who have copied 40 works. Of the geographical
names of places occurring in the MSS., and of which the scribes are generally
residents, the following miight be mentioned :
( » ),
The MSS. are classified in 14 different sections as follows :
1.
Veda
3
2.-
Itihasa
21
3.
F^traaja
17
4.
Dharma
25
5.
Vedanta
8
6.
Jyoti^a
10
7.
Tarka-Nyaya
7
8.
Tantra-Yoga
3
9.
Vyakarajja
2
10.
Gaipita
1
11.
Koia
1
12.
Kavya
23
13.
Nfitaka
2
14.
Gadya-Campu
1
124
MSS. marked with an asterisk are dated.
2
R. G. HARSHE
The oldest dated MS. in this collection is 281 years old. We have
about 11 MSS. which are more than 200 years old, the latest being of the date
6 aka 1803. The total number of dated MSS. is 38 only. It is probable that
a few of the undated MSS. are even older than 300 years. It mig^t W'^ien-
tioned here that 8 MahabhSrcAa MSS. have been selected by Dr. V. S. SuK-
THANKAR for Collation work at the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute,
Poona.
The list of MSS. lying with three i§astri families of Puntambe, given as
Appendix, is made rather hurriedly and not enough' details are available.
It need not also be considered as exhaustive. The list registers in all 466
MSS. dealing with various subjects. The majority of them belong to Dharma
Sastra. The list contains some very valuable MSS. The earliest dated MS.
in this collection is Saihvat 1118. This list will more than amply justify
the continuation of the work of the late Dr. R. G. Bhandarkar in the search
for MSS. in the Deccan.
SECTION I.— ^
1. — ^Adhyaya I- VI. 1 5. Incomplete. Folios, 1-49,
lines per page 7, letters per line 15, size 7" x 5".
Beginning :
II ^ II II
Chapter I ends on folio No. I'la, II on 20a, III on 30a, IV on 39a,
V on 48b, and the VI breaks off after the 14tl) verse and a jwrtion of the
15th on folio No. ^b.
II iv II II s sr^rf*
*f?n afT^fr —
The vei'ses in Chapters I to V are 31, 34, 63, 37 and 43 respectively.
2 . wnwioiProiwr — By incomplete. Folios, 1-12, lines 12, letters
28,size9i''x5"
Beginning :
W II II 3PFT«!IR: sraw to : II...
Breaks off after folio No. 12. Last line on folio No. 12b :
* 3. — Complete. Anonymous. Folios 1-15, lines 15, letters 40,
sizelO"x4F.
Beginning: ^52111
5IWWT: II 1 II JRT: fN ^ I Wtt»dl^d -
II ^ II Colophon at the end:
A raSCRIPTIVE CATALOGUE OF MSS. FROM V. M. GORHE COLLECTION , 3
yfrcwSl Rifildf
_ M , 11 *r\i ,TV*V •v - /N. » ..
JTOWI wwH WIiMd II
SECTION II-l[(ll?ra
4. »nfWTCI- « n ^w i >WiiP> 1 ( ^I'Pirai )-Inc0iiiplete. Folios 333-382, line
15, letters 45, size 14i" x 7§". Very brittle.
Boginning: aiw ?rai 5:^ cl?!
II
End :; 8n5[oi|%4 fWFdJ: "ftllfil»W5r 1 q^«I W>T I ^*
5. <*lK'W|*<l4-with a Commentary by Incomplete. Folios 1-333 ;
(missing folios 334-417) 418-420 upto the end; lines 15, letters 46, size
141^' X 7i".
Beginning: »fljp ir i i ^^^ ( q ) ii ^ ^ gi?ifil^q gqigqraH.
II d#f f^'im^rKIWflra s^IFC^: nlqi^: in II
Breaks off after er^^PT 236.14
End : ffij «Wt®-
3iR>Hi% q#i 5t<?5nf^f^5id?rMt«iRf: ii ii
6. firtB«|#-Incomplete. Folios 5-48, lines 12, letters 56,
size 13f" X 6f ."
Beginning :
#?f X X X X X 1
End :
I ’It —
7. fslRB’I^-Incomplete. Folios 33-116, lines 13, letters 30, size 9" x 5 ".
Beginning :
SflTR^ ^RSf ?FSrR
^ »Tt3t^ II
End :
^ STOI ^ Pt«i4Hri5|
M —
8. 3vt*n^-Incomplete. Folios 61-95, lines 15, letters 54.
size 14'^ X53^'.
Beginning :
lajt ^ I ?i*n^jjRnf4t awniRnt ii
4
R. G. HARSHE
End :
^ ?pr;. ii s » it 3 11
9. 3#»W^-Incomplete. Folios 1-231, lines 10, letters 36, ^ 13i'' x 5§".
Beginning ;
Rn:
•iki4«i 't*k:^c4 «lt ^ I
^ ^ II 1 II
=51^ 'W5K?®:
sn«FRgd II ^ II
^IWFR 3^ II
=?Rqfgq3; sicflcn: ?wi ^ajsm i
Breaks off after folio No. 231.
^raaW'l^W’qqRg**! ^ I
<553^ qi5!5r =q jfi, ^ —
10. OTl?iq4-Incomplete. Folios 2-208, lines 12, letters 36, size 11J"X5"
Beginning :
rffJinfqff gqqiNkr: iRflipi *nft§ffT #^11
End :
4W«I^Vii <il^cfwr ^qifefqi sgluqqPj hr
: II II
<?t dff; II 4»i^4lfqf^f'4I^»l4>5l‘. II
sqra^gat 11 3t>«i^w rr ifq 11
II
11. jf^oiqif-Incomplete. Folios 4- 33; 217-18, lines 10, letters 52, size
10" X 4".
Beginning :
3 g^NRT: I cRRff *^WTg II ^ ?|r trg R l H
g®q
Breaks off after folio No. 33 ending with :
»p: ai^rfiR I
qiR qi^rrar stgRi 5Natq%; 11
331 —
Folioi No. 217a b^ins with :
^33^ 3931^ I
A OESCSaPTIVE CATALOGUE OF MSS. FROM V. M. GORHE COLLECTION 5
End :
II ?i5s ?j%jr Ptf^«r —
12. jfiiiFl^-Incotnpiete. Folios 6-18 ; 34-87, lines 10, letters 41, size
101x4".
Beginning :
^ ii arfwFpvq: ii
Folio No. 19b ends with :
IStSmift
33*^ a^^RT X —
Folio No. 34a begins with :
I ^ II
End:
gsrai^ci^ n
A Na ^P t aaiH i
13. ^toiq^-Incomplete. Folios 20-48 : 50-52 ; 55-56 ; 75, 101 ;
177-182 ; 185-213 ; 219-224; lines 10, letters 48, aze 10i''x4". Folios of
this Ms. and the preceding one are mixed up.
Folio No. 20a beginning :
I gfanragt it Praat gq: i
Folio No. 48b ends with :
5wr g f w atai# a?lt i
0311 5^ 0% —
Beginning of folio No. 50a :
d R W> ^ I
Last line on folio No. 52b :
51 1 fcsqrerr h i qg| 5t (?) w i laloRRif i
pp^lUro —
Beginning, folio No. 55a :
ax X oaPFft X aL553l^^ I
Folio No. 56b« end :
*fta^ ana^ i atwno ^ —
Begiiming, folio No. 75a :
oRaa: n
Folio No. lOlb, end :
daiya o 4Nla: i 3**R^ ^ «fFi^ a
6
R. G. HARSIffi
Beginning, folio No. 177a :
I 353 ?rai is# II
Folio No. 182b, end :
?f 5 *n?m#i>i5ir 1 ^^oSsrarg^i ?[?5?P1 t: i
Banning, folio No. 185a :
*n*rt g?l: H
Folio No. 213b, end ;
I R5R*r: 11 —
Bi^nning, folio No. 219a :
1 isN^naisil ii ^ 11
Folio No. 224b, end :
5T«rT ^ PlTil^di; 11 srrii ^ q —
14. QnRPTi-Coniplete. Folios 1-51, lines 11, letters 45, size 13|"x5i*
Beginning :
wlq5l?iRFW. II sTRPr»r iftreffq sit ^ i
^ % ?T^ I
i ^ ^g pi gq i st II tr^ fJrof^ sb^ ?i5jra#!ir 1
arm^r: l^Rf^cT t flar i
3R[1%R ^ aR5 ?|r ^1511 5ql«R: |
qtsi: MIH4)I« ^ fife HWW I
End :
1^51 ?q% ^firawfira 5it: 51 ^: 11
siwi^ ?rt ^ sqq^i?!^ 1
#JIR: snwT^|:i%ff; 1
m »mrITSlt II
II # »TT?Rn:% 5Rrai5^5jrf <i(^diqi Iqr^ifqi 5i5sm
WRH II II SPTO^ II n Mt^wi II It ?IH.
15. »TOq#-Complete. Folios 1-57, lines 11, letters 45, size 13j" x Si".
Beginning :
II II
mm ST*reS?? srt ^ sidfR II
^ %q ei^ 11 1 11
HRFi^ 3qi^ II II ^ qtf^ II
JTO t i wi iq fi i g t ^ II
fidqwTl fq%q ^fiig^ 11
*i^ ?r3n M’Ht^’^i it
A MSCaiPTIVE CATALOGUE OP MSS. FROM V. M. GORHE COLLECTION 7
End :
qftfi: ii
eft i%lt: ?fi»5T*Pn% II
aPRKwi 5 % fC? ?7 II
^ «ft*f5WR^ 5i5rai5?5Jit «iff<i# wnn ii ii g*f*re3 ii
gN II II NtfHiini w. II II ^rafrai qUi^ n u «ft2f%pr ii #TH%mR m:
II w II ?w uflfMir II II
16. mP^Plt-^RiN^-with a commentary. Incomplete. Folios 2-203, lines
15, letters 36, size lli"x 6i''.
Beginning : Folio No. 2. Text
m % gUSRJlHt II
ifWArt II ’t II
Comm.
efSf g?I5%: *TRf*n5f *fraw iratsR 3 qn: fet efSR-
II ^clf^ f%Tl^5f II
End : Folio No. 203. Text :
3?Ult %»! II
^fftpit ?6!r ii ii
afs^TSf eflTO^ *fI?eT II
W I ?%5RI5Sraft ?lT3f%; II II
Comm.
sB^fSf II Tf^FT sfilq aiiFT^ 3 anem-
:f% <liii|{l% .... c!TR*fFI%'t6|ftdfeq4: II II II
17. 5ni^4-?|5iq4-with a Commentary. Incomplete. Folios 5-147, lines
11, letters 48, size 14i"x5f".
Beginning : Folio No. 5.
...NRef I tq ?II qf^ftq^^liSqefl I
6ef: gNfsqqiStl ll?lt Jfmg qfRI I
8fFR>WB3§o^ q^qr...
...qjf^ qmqeT sqq i
End ;
qqqcf; apq #rqf!i; i
SEI^ qt^«wqi RFf I
a ^ qijtil ^i:% qr#>r f^f^q
«»tq?WR% 5Rrei?^ til^dRt 5lt^Iq^ ?iafq*f
ITiiq^: fRlH: g*PR3:
8
R. G. HARSHB
18. — Incomplete. FoSos 1-4, lines 11, letters 48, size
14ix5r.
19. ftBt«B-4frl#-Complete. Folios 1-9, lines 13, letters 40, size
appears only on the title page.
Beginning :
sft*l3t5lPr sw: II II
«lt ^ II
II 3^ II II ^ ^ ^ =3 II
?5Rlfl J15KN ^ 6>*l'Wl?ii^l II
ii
f75PJ?P|lpr fi Wg^r T % m II
End ;
g ^ 0 ' 4^tiR4)«l5l II
«n«i13»wirof4 spiFi.sift«f 3 g ii
g 5*ira: 3?!|ifcftg5T: II
^1% ?T|qRRsftJRI II II : II
II ^ eft^lfRIlt ?Rrai5^ Wfespfi ?WW: II : II
II «fNi^<n^«wtg II II %»sr«m3w1: gn g^ira: h = hii = ii
20. ^^t*W®f-Complete. Folios 1-10, lines 13, letters 40, size lli"x 64^'.
Banning :
sfM^R W II
31^1?^ •i*W#W Jit ^ JRlnri II
^ II
II : II IWTFR 3^ II : II 3W ^nsfi szjHt^TRT II
?RRr ^ fa II : II
^ 3aR II : II 350 ?R3;. |'T?^OI53^: 3? II
iwrai i»lRt iawT ^R5f: ii
End:
5151# 15(350: 510 3*0 *J3IWr- II
35# ^ 030: OiOM: 300igni: II
0 51500% ## !r ^ 5^t%oifa ii
03i^0!ra%o fo f(^oo5rt II
II 03MI# ^ ^ II II
21. #freo<-Complete. Folios 1-11, lines 13, letters 40, size lli"x 64".
A OBSCRIPTIVE CATALOGUE OP MSS. FKOM V. M. GORHB OOLLBCTION 9
Banning :
•I II II
MT ci^ ii •• ii
II : II VnhW 3^ II : II
1?^ 5W #sn^t ^ It
^ ftiOdiPl l^ftnift gf^; II
End :
sl^ ^ ^iflraw ii
sirac d<wiw sin II ^ II • II
^dRt lwfe«Prt 41^13 q# ?WIH: II ^ II : II
afldia^d i^ gwfg II II % qwm s^ : II sftrm sft^w ii
22. AIHHIU l fiPW ^-Complete. Folios 1-39, lines 13, letters 40. size
lli^xei".
Beginning :
sft*|5l5irasw: II
•iKW*'! «WlfW II
Ml ^ d# aragfl^ II II
3«fR II II ai^ aum: qiEqi 5r ftaw?!: ii
W*irawi?Rl«l «Rl|,*l4IdlPl II
*H g ?r3Rt?5n*nwt sog^ ii
WURfl^^ ^ qgfwfl II
^ «BT55 ^ *W i^%IH|r: II
^«rai <t 35> MfidiHws^ wniyiig'H^fe ii
End :
cagaw ^aiil <(hiPi ?i^ ii
jngt^di v gt ai pri sir^ ww i w 'a ii
gi^f^ ^iqft* i t&ifta»w i w4i ii
^qmwi ?nrr4 ft^airrictam; ii
II cwisnraift% g «riwrf^ wn%?r: ii
«M*n<^ i ftg^ t i 8 ♦ilJuJJId'JiK II
II i II II : II II 5i?ren!?*j|t ^« it R i «H i aiw*?qifir« «i*l
^ II II : H II : II II : II
sflfwii^nwwg II H gn ii
23. <siwftfipKlt Imumplete. Folios 1-61, lines 12, letters 50, size
IS^xei."
■uujTm 0. a 1. i 4 vox;, iv.
Z
10
S. G. HAKSHB
Beginning :
sw: H snRfjJi II ^5irTraH 3 ^r ii
5 ^CTFt ff^; I
Folio No. 61b, ^ :
^*I^iW*ll*IW 5^ ^ WPlWRf •!% *ri%—
24. m^Arf^nn^-IncompIete. Folios 1-138, lines 6, letters 50, aze
15''x6i".
Beginning :
^ !wt ^11^ II *tRPM II %?t^ 3^ II
^raPt i
Folio No. 138b, end :
^ 3%p^ytOT« WPt4 [ * ?^i: I ^ I 9%
xxxxxxxx
SECTION III-jqoT
25. «n4i'Ai4nfl-X Canto, with a Commentary by Incom-
plete. Folios 1-163, lines 13, letters 48, size 14''X6i''.
Beginning ;
33; II 3# 3*13% 3tS%3RI II II
353 ^33*p% ^**1% %3dlf3:
««S33?d 3: <^3% II
STOOTgsr^:
3 33% 3^3I«fN?3'i II 1 II
Folk) No. 163b, end :
Commentary (mi verse No. 37 of Adhyaya 43 :
«WW3I33 - II 3PW3rf3*rai3:aW3f 31 I | *»!% 31 II II I
3ig^«rt 53 —
26. 8ft 3 WW3 -X Canto. Complete. Folios 1-129, lines 12, letters 50,
size 111" X 5i".
Beginning :
II «fl3i^3 33: || 33: q3B 13 % 3 333*I33I%3 II «Ri3p3^ 3fil313
33 in II
Folio No. 129b, end :
Colophon at the end of the Text :
^ «ft3133% 3ftg^ ^33^ 5ft»M l <!{ l 3 1 3ftdl3 3i ^«l 313 33 % dH > V|H ; II g||
331^3 3WW4»M: II
A nSSOtlPTIVE CATALOGUE OF MSS, FItOM V. M. GORHE COLLECTION 11
Cdophon at the end of the Comm. :
W X X X X X
27. fftftv^T-Incomidete. Folios 1-761, lines 10, letters 36, ^ 11" x 5''.
Banning :
:m: II
sfWflT'ii JW; II
» II *t II
4Wt 513 ?[^ I g5|«l3|Jl II
gojiT ^ 5TO3wn I jpi iRi? j»?rf?r x ii \ n
|«n33te3E^H5roFrt 1 3«5 qwit fiw ^ ii
it »IR3 5W f q«lgR l qi^fll-i I ft 35q II 1 II
5nR«i 3*155310 II V II
ftiTRSpq sra^ TO I II
3RPPil53RR^5S^ 1 II 'A II
Folio No. 761b, end :
3{firtJ3Fi qgft 3 3 qft sqftot 11 3gnd<n #5t^ —
28. f|«K^qiw;i6UI-IncompIete. Folios 4-69 ; 81-112 ( No. 100
mis^g ), lines 13, letters 48, ^ 14J" x 5i”.
Beginning : Folio No. 4a.
*1331 g«3f3 3iswr II Ho II afTObnft 3 x x x...
Folio No. 60b, completes J8th Adhyaya, after verse 16th.
33 : 3^ ^ 5n?t —
Beginning : Folio No. 81a.
TOTOllI*!^ 3: TOTO 3R%: I 5I5f^ ^3 3^ 33133: I f^35l
gl^^: NRR3 fti3W3l: I 1335^3 fsqfe 5t3fitl3 3# II f53R<t*t 3!*^#3I3: II
Folio No. 112b end :
3WJt33pIl®rt 353 3IRt% 3133: II ?|3R^ S|E/3|35Wt*3l3: II
29. yi o w i jt ’ gW- Incomplete. Folios 11-85, lines 12, letters 28, size
li" X 4i".
Beginning : Folio No. lib :
5l3ig3I 3i3^ 331 1 aiaHi3(^ 31 91315 : 5 ^ ^ 3r5^ II
End : Folio No. 85a :
81*331 g 5 ^ 313 3(0*1! g% I 3^ 353!% %—
30. ^4 t i n f l 0 3-Extract from the 3lii3H<(r3~Complete, with two colour-
ed illustrations, one at the beginning and the otha- at the end. Folios 1-80,
lines 8, letters 20, size 6" x 4i".
Begiiming :
«(t35t5ll3 33 : I art 3II«<ft5l»l*I3^ ll 31# 53*135 X 5131 I ^ I
l%|ra*t 5WRBr 511 3531 *1*1 IM II »(t3HW>l ( ^51333^ 33t 33: ||
12
R. G. HARSHE
End : Folio No. 81a and b :
It is accompanied by four or five more Ji^^s their text o(mtinuing
from folio No. 82 upto folio No. llOb. Folios from 92 to 102, both indu*
sive, missing. The names of the si^;^s are as follows : ;nR
(Folios 82-85a);l|f^^g^ (Fdios 85b-89b); incomplete (Folios 89-b-91b):
55P5IR: — — (Folios 103-108a, (Fdios 106b-110b}.
Colophon at the end :
# OTilt g*HW3 It
31. tiBiRdt— Extract from the tni^R^tm-Incomplete. Folios 1-106,
lines 7, letters 18, size 5" x 3".
Beginning :
*1*1: II 3RH II Jjpt •Wl ^ etc.
End : Folio No. 106.
II II
32. HWKft — ^Do. — ^Incomplete. Folios 1-135 ( 2 Folios Nos. 133 and
134 are missing ), lines 6, letters 21, size 6i" x 3". Very brittle.
Beginning :
tftmijinii mi: n JW- u «rpi ^
TORW R t «lNh l W
Note . — ^All the three have been peculiar. There is a matrS before the
vdAtfl, a characteristic which is observed in several MSS. belonging to the
sixteenth century or earlier still, the significance of which is however not
known.
Colophon at the end : Folio No. 135a.
^ onrl3i% ii n
spl II 9 II 3 II HB lCT fe g a^ ^l HW I II
33. vumtlRlilwi — Complete. Folios 1-48, lines 11, letters 25, aze
6i"x4i".
Beginning :
«ftxf^x3-?g[!r
*f IjTRRt
3^ rRPRRT ^PWWdlRR II 1 II
^RiwnrwfWf «rowl[-
A INSCRIPTIVE CATALOGUE OF MSS. FROM V. M. OORHE COLLECTION 13
End ; Folio No. 48a.
SIW IBlSSIPf: l
3P% OT lI ^HJWW. II
3^3^ d«nii5g'(«iiw R4W8W fJiftfif II
II
34. ;mmnn<*’T — Extract from iw f w<ift< n. Incomplete. Folios 1-22,
lines 9, letters 29, size 10" x 4i".
Owner and copyist of the MS. on the title-page :
Beginning :
II aPT sfl?
II ^ ?R[I^ II
II itl3P#3TI*l II tflgiS <W5 II
!R: II sit ^...11 1 II
3^ II etc.
End : Folio No. 22.
MlgRSBWIIRWl «rel'«lW: II ^ II
si5?R gwR II *ir s?!i^ *n eppicft*! n
cJj:^ II 1 II
35. (KTMIliwii^ — Extracted from the various Puripas. Inconqilete.
Folios 1-54, lines 10, letters 40, size 13j"x5i". Folio No. 2 missing.
Banning :
I sot: II
^!P 4 SIOTlft 5 OTlfOTOT hWNOTnOTIOT II I II
This consisting of 8 stanzas, ends on folio No. 1. Remark at the
end :
End : Folio No. 54.
>o
jnr#t «5t I R%fila^siRpi»^ —
36. aiilawWOTI — ^Extract from the Rlfil«vhn3avi. Complete. Folios 1-11,
lines 8, letters 26, ^ 9 J" x 3|".
B^^nning : OTIOT I yi 3
Colophon at the end :
^ aptaw w wi ^ 4llnfa(^
qdqvR (cf )4 OT imA u
u
R. G.
• 37. 4 (Ki | M 4 <g l w i — ^Extract from Incomplete FoKos 2-59,
lines 7. letters 34, size 9^' x 3". Date Saks 1636.
Beginning :
II fRT II « II
Cdoi^n at the end.
3iJn5% R 3^ »•••
*38. w^n^^tiiiwt-Do — Complete. Folios 1-80, lines 12, letters 32,
size 12" X 6i". Date, 6aka 1719.
Beginning : TO; li
gftsgftRsi^ f®*! JTOTOfs ii ^ ii
»i5ic*% #nBs«g^ etc.
Colophon at the end :
^W?sa9| 3r#(^lsaiPr: ll II...CT%T
WWfRftrl II TOI fRnfe«n3!t 51% 1»l^ftTO5TO
mwNMM4Hl^tm»» 1 ^ IjORWlt fwp# SPRTIT 4lTORft 61^%
TOIH II
*39. ^TOIfJTO-Extract from #5[3G®I. Complete. Folios 1-30, lines
11, letters 32, size 12" x 6i". Date, Saka 1718.
Beginning :
II TO: II TO: II TOR II
?gT mm «45Hf l^ 5 1 K^ etc.
Colophon at the end :
Illl¥i4 ! i5 l% 4 l TO I g l ^ TOl ^^tpsilRR: II II «%
i»u I uRgs I1 1* II
40. mroiBFR-Extract from rn^R. Complete. Folios 1-59, lines
13, letters 42, size 12" X 5i".
Beginning :
II «flnil5IPI TO; II to: II TO? TOR II #61^ ftRWRRt TORt
•nTOilft®rt II etc.
End :
# ?To fliror* (91iilsRw: ii \» ii » n
*41. fH%4TOI|YTOr-Extract from qvSTOl. Complete. Folios 1-22, Lines
12, letters 32, size 12" x 6J". Date, Saka 1718.
A DESCRIPTIVE CATALOGUE W MSS. FROM V. M. GORRE COLLECHON IS
«ni: H SW: II
qi qlji Bi Wti ^ ( i | «naw%fciiM
*w ^ ii^ fiW ^^*^sER»5iiar n i n
3^^ II ’I5W: etc.
Colophon at the end :
^ ^M1l!i<|8l TRUS^ E lfoUMHIEW*^ 313^ RR! TONW: l.;.«i|T|Rtrftwi%
WPmftR linnifeRIiR B% 1»1< WoWWljJtwl R WfWRftftq i
?rf^ ^ti^W I g T cW? WRH II
SECTION IV-1H^?0TO
42. gI n fttRw i R i wm -Complete. Folio 1-37, lines 11,
letters 24, size 8j"x5i".
Beginning :
mm
tmi ^ I1 1 1I
3TOpl f»lFi ^»ir<f5lN4l: I
m ?J5WTW ^ II ^ II
^ irsrM ?MT
ftgt RRlt
^ MKWyHR R ft ft lfe qftwi
Colophon at the end:
i|iiJwi-4<i>‘^j:ift«i*i(i>i*fr>ijft4 II
43. 3q|iKgiRl.-By gnft^tilRr-Incomplete. Folios 1-122, lines 9, letters
26, size 9i"x4".
Beginning:
Jiftqpng!^ Rl«n<4l«ih i iq 3 m I ii«iRt qgiT RR: in ii
ftg ?n# Wvi
imi
?SlgjiT SN^ filM ^ #0wwfl II ^ II
^s^g«invw3i5F# goi*p>ra?i*in ^ g i
?R^: fiscftr fg|3ifeg m #4 ifit ii v ii
On folio No. 20 :
^ W>iRgl <wtMW>wl R; II
End : Folio No. 122.
<F W|wra^ftH -
16
R. G. HASSHC
’^44>45. <rar — Complete. Folios 1-13
lines 9, letters 38, ^ 9i"x3i".
Bes^nning:
II *w: II aiBsrt sj^TSRranTO —
Fcdio No. 3a :
erfttrsi^qftlw: ii sfilJitN'HiMi Ii
aw^iraN*!^ II
Folio No. 6b :
II W II
Colophon at the end :
lint! is^RTHigs <!*) ?rf^ «i>iii9i (?) taN^-
4lMMHlW!JW«h %% 11 €H*j<ll^4lfe«^ *W: II
*46. llgl|«q«f^:-Complete. Folios 1-30, lines 12, letters 21, size 8* x 5".
Bq^nmng ;
!W. II 5m: II spt: II
jpwm: <Wt«lt4>: 5*J5sl^(^ jqo etc.
Colophon at the end :
11^ i»i»vs qifi!N5mn5^ qiRgnifwr v* ^ ms*raq«&: mum ii siptos
hwihIM
*47. '.-Extract from the Skand Purapa-
Complete. Folios 1-6, lines 11, letters 31, size 9''x 4j".
Beginning :
tftmlam 5T5T: 11 aw ii fwitl ^ ii
ai%PWCft5 ll etc.
Colophon at the end:
mm?:
.vm go 5#i^ i ^ I w m madiqi 5 t 1«|
qipn wpwmwhi pr* ?i(^« ii
48. ftaiPnrfir:-By ftwwwg. Incomplete. Folios 1-61 ( No 10 misejng ),
lines 11, letters 35, size 12i"x 4|".
Beginning:
sm: I 515W Iht qfRTH gW i R R n<Ml^mq ii
siwt I ftqnwM dtwro: II 1 11 5if*it ^ wm
tiSwin^hRd I suRTJfii m^di ^ ii Riwraf %qt
ftwHwsqJ I g^few ^ gfimi miWqmBrnin. ii ^ ii ^ ^mfirnn: snraiSiwi:
mm. m*li ^ *1 1 ^ m«iliwdls mufir^ ^ tigw^f (^: it ^*(dwd«
A DESCRIPTIVE CATAIOGUE OF MSS. FROM V. M. GORHE COLLECTION 17
wpir 05*11 1 yiRiuM *wit h ^ i> w^wiyFl
^Rftsrf I anaRwi^ fappRiwrorai^ ii v ii frat
jwn?m*n?iw #Ww!»iH wf
End ; Folio No. 61b :
Rirm *i jfp^i ^^picsansiH i sewnw H ^ —
49. ^0l4 l <g* T-By 9Hiro5. Incomplete. Folios 1-23, lines 11. letters
28, size 8s''x4i". The author gives important details of his patron and of his
own family at the beginnirg of the work :
>^■11
^ W I’
^ §(5g0KS?-?(t eiFlI^
?1T qig si: in II
*r; <^3P*IlfiicT gwM^: ^RSStfqi tl
^ gF w'^ ?^»i5r II '< II
^^iRoraaT ?FBaJi3n«ii 4»*!wiiw<wd siifioJId,
11^ » 3 II \ II
ncti^ ?nn??R*F?r sisifidi^:
^ Cf^ >5?^: II x II
qSFH: 5l5FWFlRl0Pn ^ §’4:
»4T*Ts«pr»w?!im*®ds>gis?^^ *i:
413% gfs40Rn ii ^ n
Wft4«r0l54lfe^ «R4r#Fat?I^ II ^ II
cfj|(P^%S3liH ?Rr:
*reffl4y'»i«ihl^4“i*iBsi'%=
1^414 44*1 gis^’a’Tre*!
•<4% sft'spfft: 4t f1?l m II
> 4l< i yw ig sr g g ^^—
«4MiIlWi^44W4-T aftq:
q|%F4R5r4ft 44? 4W45I5niii II <£ II
*r^*ISIdl4l<^4l 445»n?14f^pp>n ?!W^:
«(fjdi54 ^ IEl%«Wig: II ^ II
<i8iwi%4 Fr #14*1^; gfiig
aifsi sftwr: q4»iR5sn SRH «n 5 r: in® ii
igLLmN D. C. R. 1. VOL. IV.
18
R. G. HAHSHE
5 Wt jrr;
ifiWtmfedf : %55 ?rai
^FTOpri^^: g ?rat II 1*1 II
^Idlf^dl g’T'KI: RIR^ll^T i|ldl
qw ? 7 f »rt^ ^
PCT qftqi^qnr
qRl4? di^ JT ^ II 1^ II
■ 4 t?wnfii%iin%i; q^siwifirat^: ii i < ii
*i%^qR5nqq: ii i'<f ii
jftqraRq#!^ qgftqT: fiJaRf^
^?IR[R5*niq^lfWq5Jr airatrlcdqrwsf:
2 Rqi^d#IWr ^ qd
ildRlfe ^ qi^dt fiwlaartj g*^ ii i'^ ii
sqraiffRRFdt iq?«rfqf^?na<: ?fdd
rRqi3T3f ^tsdfcai|<^ra^
qRiis??TW q^^iT ^wvRit?i 3 :?oi n ivj n
ai^lH d?[mqT«fr
^=fki5f^ ffeg®iqf«tcqi a?R#q w in<: ii
»RiFfRi^t dcdi egdi ai^nwi^:
^i^q ii n
End ; Folio No. 23a :
ariwqr^ ^
II d-
* 50. a«R^Rg«wi|SH5rrfiW^; — By aim^qgd aws^-^aka 1776, Com-
plete. Folios 1-87, lines 10, letters 28, size 9.i''x42 ".
Beginning :
zfrjloRifq spT: II
II dfT# dllRiq 3=EqfT II n«i: II eic-
Colophon at the end :
51 % ’i'»'»^ 5 RPI. II.*!*! 3 T?iqdi*ni^ qiqgsTCqt ^qrat ^ 3551 % «Tt= 5 lq-
5IWBS5*l«n^ W?5%d 5qw TO^ ^ fefed gq »ng II are^JWPflWf^iiftPTW q^-
^ fefed qqur II d rOWI^ : qft ^ f iftq #7 d |i|: ^ II
A DESCRIPTIVE CATALOGUE OF MSS. FROM V. M. GORHE COUJECTION 19
*51. — By daka 1703. Complete. Folios 1-80, lines 9«
letters 27, size 9i" x
Beginning :
*nl?wr
in II
jpirat ^ 5j3UKi|atis*flc4i gf^f: ii ^ ii
Tft 51(^1 Bir^Rrl cT^PTt 11 ^ II
Colophon at the end :
3Rl: 5rf|: f«55VT^^r^qnt^ mHlfJI II
51% «IR0I5I5 '1^ gi5^ II g>? II II c II
isl^^snsRif^r II fir^: acqifs^ str^ dw g 4i«r iii ii
«n5 fear § dd: I a?iair 3d: g gllf^dl II ’ II II
52. ^IftBiPId^-Extract from »TRll«al^?g5IH-Folios 1-11, lines 9, letters
38, size 9|x4". Complete.
Beginning :
II mr; II ^flTPid^ir 3 jt; ii an^ sTfiaf: ainRRiq %8fr^ ^#3 —
Colophon at the end :
5^ gft*Ti^ 4l3 Tglt5t ^ II
53. a3I%:-By 5m«5. Folios 1-425. lines 9, letters 38, size 10" x 42".
Complete.
Beginning :
'Eag^SRCRi
^3l=Md*l3l dcaoRIFJfS
^ 3niir5i^4;wg3^ai5t#«T «f5ldmi»?«nn®g
^%v4l filcR^ 3cSR>I5R5 3 3^ 5133^11%%^ II II
giR^dissnj^flSRjpT^ 3n3^l3S»7rat
3l3sWte%5lJI55q^fiq3I 3l5l3nR*?3f3
f3 3S^3Hl3lg5:% 33J%
Colophon at the end :
*rai% 3i^jrl3rai3inHnm»Rr u
*54. 3l|!r4iRM<lRwi^«im4(^l% : — Saihvat 1674. Incomplete. Folios 3- 18,
lines 8, letters 34. size 9j"x 32''.
20
R. G. HARSHE
Beginning : Folio No. 3.
<Tfl1rr II fit I ii
Colophon at the end :
n»« sifter
WW^RWI fi t ^RWW W ^t lW i rf ffi l^ l^ 11 II i ER( H^^)H< l ^«W(4 II
55. aftJi^JSripijJ-FoIios 1-16, lines 12, letters 16, size 7S"x4i".
Complete.
Beginning ;
«ftn5l?nil JW: II 5W: II STFIPt ^51^ II etc.
Colophon at the end :
^ gniH II...
56. -By 6ake 1595. Folios 1-18, lines 9,
letters 39, size 10" x 4J". Complete.
On the title-page :
jRs^a^ g ^ II ii
3?ri^ II fiiWcSt^5irt*r: II tnrr ^ m
^ «l|p: I ^ttST'inifFr II 5r?RRi: II
Beginning :
I IWR II
Colophon at the end :
?WIH: II 3 II 51% I'A'*.''. JWI^?I^ 4i T r^^4'ildcft4 l ^i 5? 356% »T Wi5 5^ 6
II
*57. 4ilHaR<l^« n <W l-By ^aka 1691. Complete. Folios 1-72,
lines 10, letters 25, size 9" x 4i",
Beginning :
5*Z5rtHR 3^ ^ '*il4|ga<Rluhl:
1%!^ 5N^ 56«it in II
3T^ 5 % ara^ 56If:6T R6T: m II
Colophon at the end :
5jwWt?l <i)i i g45<3 l 5i4l.R4 a ft-i^ ; ii 55%r
A MSCRIPTIVE CATALOGUE OP MSS. PROM V. M. GORHE COLLECTION 21
*58. ^aka 1767. Incomplete. Folios 3-99,
lines 11, letters 26, size 8i"x4i''.
Beginning : Folio No. 3a ;
I 5^ II
Colophon at the end :
Ji^^ronJ»n i ii 3*>i 3^
fihnsjRit
5Rdt ani iiv: mm: u ft
3Pcr« ^ ^4 fefew 11
*59. Pnft«wpfrf^-By »T5?fpq?, Saka 17C4. Complete. Folios 1-28,
lines 10, letters 25, size 10" x 5".
Beginning ;
f4qi| ?r^iftqc5rR?rrf?N4 11 1 11
Colophon at the end :
!ii«i q^4g %5^<i^gq: 11
?ilf4ssftlf^w PWJHT. 51% 1»’<« 4^*115^
<Mnwiq4^ fR»n pnWinttftw ii
4»wftqf^pra4 | ilrfl<mw^ fR: II
*60. — Do — ^^aka 1722. Complete. Folios 1-32, lines 11, letters 30»
size 9S" X 41".
B^kming :
sflq5l5ifjf qn: II Wm I
Rfit qst^RqiMf^ m II f? etc.
Colophon at the end :
3rt?f«I .... II
?miHrii 51% dfJtFT
4raR5it 555i%^< g5?i% 5P5<irit M
fRl R^ii
61. -Complete. Folios 1-6, lines 14, letters 35,
sizeSi'xsr.
Beginning:
ampnRwf f%5J3f?li
End:
airag^ R*nfPi%4: ftr^t ii wnn jiw ii
22
R. G. HASSHE
*62. -By 1777. Complete. Folios 1-76
lines 11, letters 32, size 9i"x 4g''.
Beginning :
I tl II 1 II
Wfl^Mriiwf ^ <T^}f II
gt sTfi^ n ^ n
cw ii
f|i ?r«n i wa ^ Rf ife ii \ n
gPt«n 'wri^f ii ^ n
Colophon at the end ;
g(*i«ii 4tj?^5nfe^Tiira% s»»»
ti?ji«iRi^ fwnT^sstJTT nNflw<<i444>^KiqomsR>r9-
otfUon^PT <»ft*^4ii«i>Riw-w^^y(^lq4Ri<wj ii
* 63. : — ^aka 1775. Complete. Folios 1-43, lines 13,
letters 32, size 11" x 5i".
Beginning : am ^mRFRfit
Colophon at the end :
RRlftt SfFl^Wf
4rti«wlii«Knt« dw«imnTft«icitil^'lM.iww5jftifeigai gsft j g iwH ffn »ire mmV
riM
64. : — Complete. Folios 1-9, lines 7, letters 13, size
6i'' X 4J".
Beginning :
II am as?imf4«Tn^l^f; II
End :
?ftT eUlH: II
65. sn^fi^ — By nimglRMm ^rtri^Rmw. Folios 1-3 a,
lines 12, letters 28, size 10|"x 53". Complete. Dated $aka 1775.
Beginning :
?RT#T stem ^ Il f ^ W I W ;
f^gjRni II 1 II
End : Folio No. 3a :
A MSCRIPTIVE CATALOGUE OF MSS. FROM V. M. GORHE COLLECTION 23
' 66- — By Folios 3a-5, lines 12, lines 29,
size 101" X5f" Complete. Dated ^a 1775.
Beginning:
Hiwii frni
OTi# ?rr ^ 80 goioi
^ II
Colophon at the end :
^WIB*. II '#TfTCT (^«l l gd «n ^
II
SECTION
67. 5OI0FPI*n«P^ — By Complete. Folios 1-28, lines 7, letters
16, size 6" X 41".
Beginning :
«ft05t90I OO: U
05t0 3^ OtOr *F0
II "I II
End :
onuo^iralloRr ii
68. — By Complete. FoUos 1-11, lines
11, letters 35, size lOi 'x 4i".
Beginning ;
II «#Fl5t5Iiq 00; II
OOlcOOT Ot'TOl ®OfH 000«00:
of^ ;
II 1 II
0 ^^^t0c05i?T II
Colophon at the end ;
f515Pjj?1000?0 51TO?0 aOIrOO:
0 <^Ot»fd l o« tO IPftO ftPTO Q30. II
OFO..
o l o rtR O BO aownol^ g?cr% ii
69. OgW I wt^^i P IH. — By 5Florai4. Complete. Folios 1-10, lines 7, letters
13, size erx 4i".
Banning :
«fto5hEltO 00: II 3T0 <?t05I OglOmif^l II
24
R. G. HARSHE
Colophon at the end :
RfJJJPR fft: II
sfRnm qsm sr^ =? ci?j?rRRit ^ s^ire g* *j|Rf
*i«nw II 1 II 'RTTt? ^ ??cnn3i ^ dsilfei
(?) ?RRt WClft II
70. q4i|w«MlF?«<Mi— By Complete. Folios 1-13, lines 7, letters
13,size6i''x4r.
Banning :
"W: II iff RRf 3ra^ II
SsBt Ili«wra4 II II
^ sir: g^: ll l ll etc.
Colophon at the end :
ffd iftRfS^?iwrai4f^?^rr ii
71. in[l*cra^«rrai — By tiuhiairartts^. Incomplete. Folios 1-18, lines 8,
letters 28, size 9 ' x 31”.
Beginning :
ifM^ini JW: II
cf jfffil «rOTR*iR ?if%?r*i^fif«i I1 1 1I
5i imiSf ?l^^ qtift PT t*! 3^ II II
3?nirf«fFT
vrtftrsTMffjfof qft*ipii fti?pzm II ^ II
End : Folio No. 18b.
aTfePTif ^ dR*lll4^RHI*tfo«T5lfd4lPldl«t^ I —
72. sni^«roenjff w ^fi | ft< l < p m- By iaqtfWfiig. Complete. Folios 1-15,
lines 12, letters 31, size 8" x 4".
Beginning :
ift%3[5?IRn3J JWf: II
JIM Tftt fm- II
Colophon at the end ;
73. n4^f}ri^^;gq|^<H<J|<ji%VI«n^T-By Complete. Folios
1-38, lines 13, letters 39, size 8|''x 4e”.
Beginning:
ifkPf iflfwr
iflMB «%ii 1 11
A MSOUPTIVE CATALOGUE OF MSS. FROM V. M. GORHE OOlXECTION 25
ii ii
Colophon at the end :
^ 4% *n?!tr^ 3? ii ^ ii
# (5r<fttin
^TOiai...
sraiCT# *irfe I
4WJ1IOT crf^qsiira^ I1 1 1I
iwRsia <j7r4t^nT 343*i^N’?ii •
IR §SP#?^ II
74. 4|||*<Ra<ln<t4ft<4<l:-By Incomplete. Folios 223-379,
lines 9, letters 30, size lOl" x 4 '.
Beginning : Folio No. 223a :
R ?i3f II RRfiRif^^RiaRfMrg ii I'ii ii
End ; Folio No. 379b ;
q^wj: II II ?i3P5[r —
SECTION vi-^ssjtf^ ( ?rf +«lw!)
75. Hg»w4l^ l f<«m -By fit'WPWE. Complete. Folios 1-103, lines 10,
letters 30, aze 9j''x 4".
Beginning :
= tftgl4l^HW^R 5R: II . . . !W: II
341^f4p«n *i9ri^Ron R4«?r ^irertsf^
JifRsra# fiRRoi Hfsftciji II
5139® t^4i*4^<iMjdf4AWN: fsft
3ruTS5qt^qn44tfa'fftHn>iR jirfR" ii i ii
sfl*igOT 41^1^5^ ^ a«n: «ftiiftS's4tfir44i «faW'
gw<4 > iW4i( I tni«n ii
fRiqi KfES|Cl4 8 Rl»<<lli^PSl« woft
q fewia l^ i<> 4<^ » rf ^f fq <Ag R 4 t «< n g <a ii
51 4lf4d<!qtq %
<i^w(^R l M4 tf4 l u ft ii<ww % II
34>44 i 4 e i Aft4R^ 5i 3f wire ift(3 |i4 4 ft^RRPir:
<inf<WMWW«ii*4iHq«fid ' . *i9iiit g#®^i#j*n«Ft ii ^ n
•ULLETIK ». C. 1. U m'. TV.
26
R. G. HAItSHE
sqt^cfosiwa^r:
JlWnWfw . . .
( Probable date— Not earlier than Saka 1535. )
End : Folio No. 102-103a :
81^ u<i>(^«i <T55<n85iRi. 3^5w*Rrf errenpRst^ sii5«ics
5 ^^ f^T^tcr n sirailir
*76. JtfsmbStet qqtfwqt— By *nqW5, 6aka 1685. Complete. Folios
13, lines 9, letters 25, size 9f " x 4 b".
Beginning:
JWH4Ww^i!l^?<«W<?<lrt, II I II
Colophon at the end :
msfNfiftqifioi fTutH II 51% gqigqiq^ca^ ^qq^aisil^q^i *1
gqqraft 5iin4swfeH it^q^Nigqr?^"! gqin 11 JTWfr 11
77. iW8^lRiift8iq«mFr — Complete pece with tables. Folio 1, size llj"x 10".
*78. 4te%it5qlfiPPtW>W(. — with a Commentary by — 6aka
1725. Complete. Folios 1-63, lines 11, letters 30, size lOi^'x 5f".
Beginning:
qfefUqpaiPW:
q<l^«<!5qi4Wiq fpiqSP^Jin
ffqr frtsqgq^ # 55 ; qjg
•qSRltftq
^ 5Pi4fq5!t iq^qq^T; »>q% q^ il <1 11
Colophon at the end :
3tq qqTcRBR:: II qqr|(
3T ( aq ) ?fMtq 3 qq%q»iftqpql
5qR5qf4qqq4t: I
(%qw fiif 43<3q^^ww ; II II
dq i wH'dg J ily q ^i s t
qlss^ ^
antnRrvfif ^
■q^^q g gqq i^Wq n %‘>t n
A roSOtlPTIVE CATALOGUE OF MSS. FROM V. M. GORHE COLLECTION 27
«Rlfirai
II %\ II
II . . . ?< g?5i^ ^
»ii*i^fl^*“i ^ swra^ (VwnjA
II . . .
’79. ^n^mw ^ gRuPSul — By 4t94%. Saka 1726. Complete. Folios 1-28,
lines 10, size 8i"x5i".
Beginning ••
. . . 9T«T sftSPfeft fe?E?f5l II
H % 55sg4^
^ a?iK
t §i%TFT II 1 II
Colophon at the end :
JirenwsRraiR: ii . . .
5R5miH II . . .
4i".
80. g|^Sl 5 TO:— Incomplete. Folios 1-15, lines 10, letters 24, size 8S'' x
Beginning :
II TO: II TOlftfll^TOI TO: II »Ji?|5v4tTO: II
II
JRTTO# ^ in II
End : Folio No. 15b :
3TO55^ (%«(lfiST«t 3^: l%5^: II
STTOT n? TOT fia^ TOI: II
*81. 5ftFnt^: -By«SlRl*tW H5r«ll4, Samvat 1796, Complete. Folios 1-63,
lines 9, letters 20, size 9" x 5".
Beginning;
«f?r ifMror to; ii to; ii
*TOTO ^ ( *I ) 5IW: ^ »ii«d*IA4
^(jr)^»iftFnSiw5ftwftwi^ in it
28
R. G. HMtSHB
Colophon at the end of the first — Folio 19a ;
^
Colophon at the end :
q5ig<n^<t ^ ta anran
gw aw TOflJ ar f«i II 4Wt ff aim andnft?^ wwnft: n
82. fi>fiWRto?:-Byaswa5. Incomplete. Folios 1-4, lines 12, letters 34,
size 10 ''x43".
Beginning ;
^zsrfwi^w^ waa Ma i iga
a ii
3[ a a:
f^aatowpw II II
End : Folio No. 4.
asarat w- ii ii gwai in® ii # alaw ii it
83. aa^smrwf^: (ara%af5ia)-By wqaws. Complete. Folios 1-11, lines
10, letters 22, size 8"x 5".
Beginning :
aa: i...
nSwrmw an^i
ar afa ^nrg. wftcrt %?iaaPi.
aai arawa4dlRtf%di: —
awnt awt wi # ari ii i ii
wwi%:
filg#twr qar(^a-?swr ii ^ ii
Colophon at the end :
sfil > 41aiil<wlmw4.amm ggwta w i gfaf^d r q?:R»af^ aarw ii
84. anTWaww ( ? )-Nameless MS., fully illustrated in pen and ink on
a red background, having as many verses as pictures illustrating the subject of
each verse and dealing with prognosticating dreams. Folios S-95, lines 4,
letters 8, size 34" x 2”.
Banning ; Folio No. 5a.
'3P^ I ?5ww i
I srogwwn^: n
End : Folio No. 95a
wiw%F ^ II *1 II
A DESCRIPTIVE CATALOGUE OP MSS. FROM V. M. GORHE COLLECTION 29
On folio No. 95b there is a picture of which has become extremdy
faint and unrecognisable. The Sanskrit of this MS. is very faulty and full of
scribal errors.
SECTION and
85. —By SHWE, Complete. Folios 1—8, lines 10, letters 35, size
9Fx4".
Beginning :
MFiS^ I) i^siR gfe. 1^«tPi >1'.^ II
5fraRT II *) II
End :
*‘86. — Do — 6aka 1712, Complete. i olios 1-14, lines 8, letters 21,
size 9i"x4^".
Beginning :
?fFi5l5iPf sw: 11 !W: It
Colophon at the end :
51% I® sd iPn II
II
87. w#«ninfH^-Complete. Folios 1-30, lines 9, letters 28, size 9k" X Ai".
Beginning :
II !^?iFr m II ii
sri^TTPi Prti gf,
€1^ i h
Coloi^on at the end :
^ ii i ii
88. — Do — Complete. Folios 1-34. lines 10, letters 31, size lOi" x
4i".
Beginning :
II II ^ etc,
End : Folio No. 34b :
?% ?wrw I
It seems from the preceding page that the MS. is not quite complete.
30
R. G. BARSHE
*89. ^ICnptrif-By Complete. Folios 1>10, lines 11, letters 30,
sizeTrxSr.
Title-page ;
qnifPr II c |!
Beginning :
!W: It ^ suraiilf ?l^iKriMfi% ii sw% ?i*i%
sw: II 1 II
End :
^ ^iHi^pff mm i
115^ iv«.%sr •»• II
*90. «H'WI'Wl1HH4!l«*lrBy *n*WW, Incomplete. Folios 1-16, lines 10,
( folios Nos. 5, 9, 13, 14 missing ) letters 30, size lOi" x 4V'. Saihvat 1658.
Beginning:
sc^JiRit ^ in ii
ii ^ ii
?il q^ifStfn:
iil5t^ II ^ II
snnsiwfiet si«fl ?p^jir %
'qresRJi sm^rW n y n
Colophon at the end :
Bt ^ vnf^.|i|R[lrl II 1 II
^ % ^RT ^ w i Rflq qT
g3 Ri ^ft5 i u ^ n
q?i53r^%it^ i^r i
’iS'T 5Pftq WI^0ifei''inrA: II ^ II
gsiMt JW#vqt ^ g3t^ ?r?ro:
^ >Tra#rT ^wgfdl II V II
q ^w^^t; ra g>i ^umrSl^ ii...?Ng ^lutqqfwiq^
fSqqprt fefqqftq B^q^^ ii
II HHW i qgd ?IH-
3TRR|t 4^WRHI*
91. #amq|9l — Complete. Folios 1-38, lines 9, letters 31, size 8J"X4".
Title-page :
>!t>i5l4ipr m-- II
5iq%qR ^<i^gd q i>l *nq ii
McWlI^f^; frl^BdX «Rq JT*nft II 1 11
A MSCWPTIVE CATALOGUE OF MSS. FROM V. M. CORHE COLLECTION 31
d4iig«{t ii \ ii
II m ’mm Jiitw ii
Beginning :
JW: II II wfl^iR i a i ^ an#
^w i «m^u5 i ftqi'ii ^ ii wi^irai sm-.—
End : Folio No. 38b :
Ii smnURSi ginai 11
SECTION Vm— and ^
92. — By incomplete. Folios 1-4, Chapters I;
2-16, Chapters II & III ; 1-19 upto the end of Chapter IV, lines 7, letters
28, size 7^x3".
Beginning : Folio No. 2a :
II ^ II II
End :
^ II
93. — Complete. Folios 1-5, lines 8, letters 15, size
5rx3r.
Beginning :
tW^IRI W. II nn: II
«FI^ in#Rr II
ppjf n?R ^ tT3[ II 1 II
End:
94. — Complete. Folios 20, lines 8, letterr 15, size
5^X31".
Beginning ;
II II Mtqiltnra nn-. ii
End:
II 1
SECTION DC— oqi^f!qi
95. CTWrawnWR-ilW — By S3RIH. Complete. Folios 1-120, lines 14,
letters 43, size 10^ x 4V'.
32
R. G. HAItSHE
Beginning :
^ wlfl 4 ^iw * 1 * 1 : II OTR? 'fCfllcUR I
^ I1 1 II
Colophon at the end:
7 I I II WIRR.
'’96. Complete. Folios 1-12, lines 12, letters 26, size
9rx4i". Dated ^aka 1718.
Beginning :
«ft»m5ini 5W. II w ii
tw: W- II 1 II etc.
Colophon at the end :
i^rarat ?ww II II g??T4; 5!qqlq»qi
qq:
SECTION X— qfiUci
■97. qi€t»i|bimsqra:-By WTPWrai^. Dated ^aka 1583. Complete. Folios
1-41, lines 13, letters 32, size 10' x 4j".
Beginning:
qtt: ' ll II >-tl*IJ[r4h*tfimHyti»ql SW; l| %fhT«9^0(S
31^ 5R: II
jfW^ jRisrqR qt ^Rqlr f^prerq^ —
^ q^qi JIcPlRq II
qrSf jftj&qqt SIQKt
^l%HW®^*R5i*R59^«S^i5q II 1 II
Colophon on folio 41a;
f^qtlGl^ltlRtiil qflqtiqeirf^: qidirfdlRTiqFn ?l*nH: II
5^ liqdlflli^ ^l||oiiq% qi*qiftssif?T& ytq??f^dt<q5l[ qsjilf
q|3*T^ qqwii ?rFqql»t cic«ic6ii<ui *ri^ qq^ng^ fi^it
3^ ^fltnMwi^s wwqiftw i Iqgf^qwpmgtff^
SECTION XI— ^
98. iTTOiRi*raw2: — By q?tsl%. Complete. Folios 1-4, lines 9, letters 26,
size 10' X 4 ■-
Beginning:
??qhn^ft?IRT 5fRI^ ql gq:
n <) i|
A INSCRIPTIVE CATALOGUE OP MSS. FROM V. M. GORHE COLLECTION 33
*Bw4 HFT ^ II ^ II
^^^ggRre« f *>»w<Preg4 ii ^ ii
Colophon at the end :
5lct ^wRiiiIm> 41^ f5»^
^ jwrart iwil^ww 5i5i^ II V II
^ «iNHi<(iiy4: wnHs II
SECTION XII— !RSEr
99-103. ?PTnti| — By
*( i ) 3irp>*repni — Complete. Folios 1-88, lines 10, letters 44, size,
12i"x 5". Dated, Samvat 1676.
Beginning :
II wFNt5iPi II #crfN?Pi !m: ii
Itl^5P?l% ^ 5RPt I
End :
|cm tWR% aiRVTOt *I4f^«llo41f^Rtft% CWFJTI^ SIR ?I»TT: II fWIH«KWW>i«-
II g>wg II RT: 11 ^ qjTfgsRri^ ii
( ii) f%(®%vnNni — Complete. Folios 1-93, lines 10, letters 44, size
12i"x5".
Beginning ;
Rl: II 'il^R^OT SR: II
^ g ?|t *I5IRrjfl OJRWi?) II
W3«Rfl gq^nfin: ii
End ;
IRT^^r fefS«viR!||: RR?55Rt ^ fp^r: II
*(iii) ^«<wu« — Complete. Folios 1-136, lines 10, letters 44, size
12i"x5''. Dated, Samvat 1676.
Beginning :
«#Fl5feIR Rl: «flCR^R Rl: %0^lv*j)I^JT^ RT: II
%«I 5ft®F cJI+rR^Ii
srilH RȤ5 Ft goiRRT i
End ;
^Rl5f ?RR51 ^I^FRIrh Rft: R?R g*R^ ^
(iv) — Complete. Folios 1-186, lines 10, letters 44, size
12 i"x 5 ".
BULLETIN D. C. IL I.' VOL. IV,
34
R. G. HARSHE
B^[inning :
II «flFn3|5n3T !W: II sm: II
wit rftjf ^
3T*n^ ^IST'I: II
End :
11 WRH II
% 'T?m [ ^ ] 5r%g;
[ ] ^urrf'SRTi ^ ii
»T% w- »
|?3# g^-wt WTSPTRt 5IPT *EPT: g*?»Rg:
•'(v) 3g/W>?-Incomplete. Dated, Saka 1603. Folios 3-204 uptotheend,
lines 12, letters 36, size 10i"x 5i".
Beginning : Folio No. 3a :
^ 1 JF2n*lt 55^ §?!#:: II
5fjn^ ?wr5i gs^it g^i?rR®i5iiRit fiw ?pt; ii
Colophon at die end :
gcjrt ^ 5n% a5#iR 5%inppFi% ^rfd'CTRi fwr^
55rRiT g^ Wfft^TOu ii...
104. JSnft^piPJ^rW — Extract from the JT5WR?r. Seven Chapters complete.
Folios 1-21, lines 10, letters 25, size SS''^ 4i".
Beginning :
11 ssfl^?ir!T JW: II «f
WfTsR; n giiiTfk 3^ II
5OT: II >4j
55 m =^frT ?I5!T?1T •' ”1 "
End :
3 5:^ arjqivt^: 11
5t?in:'Ri% Hji^gTRs^n^ ii '* n
105. — Complete. Folios 1-54, lines 13, letters 42, size
14"x5r.
Beginning :
tfhShapr w: 1 11
W gf^fet: *W l^igg: II ^ 11
End :
5IFfclgt^: II
A MSOMPTIVE CATALOGUE OF MSS. FROM V. M. GORHE COLLECTION 35
106. ffaRi-git V with Kf^tluiUw-Complete. Folios 1-35, lines 7, letters
21, size 8i"x4j''.
Beginning :
qrr: n 5115^1 ii
End :
ii n wm. ii
*107. — Do — H — Do — Dated ^ka 1759. Complete. Folios 1-36,
lines 7, letters 32, size 9i"x 3f'.
Beginning :
11 >!TM5IFT W II W II
II II
Colophon at the end :
51% ftfjRg fifpft 5IJRR
StROI sqi%5T
*108. — Do — Text only. Dated, ^aka 1716. Incomplete. Folios I.
2-7Incom. Ill & IV. 9-22 Incom. ; VIII 1-8 Complete; XII- XK. 69-74.
Incom. and 76-122 complete, lines 7 letters 34, size 9§'' x 3J".
Beginning : Folio No. 2a :
dgRjtt II c II
Canto II, folio No. 10a.
Beginning :
II 3?I5Rlf^ f%tIT >#1^ ^l: II I® ||
Ends with verse No. 10a.
Canto III & IV complete. Folio No. 29 end :
C^nto VIII complete. Cantos IX, X, XI missing.
Canto XII : Folio No, 84a. One folio missing ; so that verses between
Sloka No. 100 of the XII and the 4th of XIII are lost.
Beginning :
3; II Jira^ %5r55 5^: f%i 4 lujitnwi«g<si; im? n
—Complete upto the end of Canto. XIX.
Colophon at the end :
51% NW«iy4ifirfl-i)Rr > 55 ^ ipH^5I5R!fl% 5T^ «l%-
feftraW «^l»l«l«iWM8^il«l; 5WTfH»FTO?i; II
109. 3am^Hlil,-Text-H!pf ‘A. Complete. Folios 24-32, lines 9, letters
25, ^ 9"X4J".
36
R. G. HARSHB
Beginning :
JW: II
rm ii
End :
^ * Tgl ^ [5^ 4.lfo< ra?: a1 jfWcnrtTOt^^t JIW q^: ?I^: TO: II
110. —Do — With fr%5TW’s Commentary, Canto II. Complete. Folios
1-12, lines 11, letters 30, size 9i"x5".
Beginning :
II »4in5t^PT w II qra5n>nf«rq: ^ J»lf ii i ii
End :
^ihih; ii ^ n
111. — Do— — Complete. Folios 1-18, lines 11, letters
34, size 10' X 5".
’'112. — By <ti|(^<M. Dated 1798. Complete. Folios
1-6, lines 6, letters 23.
On the title-page :
^ k'fiiyw ii
5^9^ ti'1’9'^
*11% *TRq% nsg % Ik*!: II 1 II
Beginning :
f^i^iwrt ;w: II qif fr ^ Jiu i i«w i k**i<j ii
Colophon at the end :
^5rRq% II
113. — By with a Commentary by Sankara, Canto
I only. Complete. Folios 1-16, lines 10, letters 21, size 8i" x 5J".
Beginning :
II *W: II 9’^: II rk ^BlkcSlftcPlt^o...
Colophon at the end :
sRsjRjr Vi»t<^<l^aw i siq*? m ii 5^ g
?g«n%!f ^ ^qig, ii
114. fti<W l 4»ftqH,— Complete. Folios 1-30, lines
9, letters 28, size 9J" x 41".
B^inning :
II
firaqr qq: —
A DESCSmiVE CATALOGUE OP MSS. FROM V. M. GORHE COLLECTION 37
End :
aire>iRr «iiw«j<wi^wi «^r: emn: u
II ^ II
115. — Do— ^ V. Complete. Folios 1-15, lines 8, letters 38, size
9i’'x3i".
Beginning ;
«ftn 3 l 5 IW !W: II 51 ?T II clct; II
End :
ffil II
116. ^4<4|(1-By Incomplete. Folios 2-19, lines, letters 30,
size 6 "x4".
Beginning : Folio No. 2a ;
ftHW^I ^ 5 ?ft 3 TO 5 W II ^ II
End ;
^TOIHI II
117. ift^^rlfll^-By 3R|^. Incomplete. Folios 1-20, lines 17, letters 28,
size9rx9i".
Beginning :
#1"^ W II
4^ 5l1^ IK sm II
JigjTr^ ii i n
End : Folio No. 20b :
^ 5R 1451%
* 118. riiWf^-By spwprtfttf. Complete. Folios 1-6, lines 13 letters' 31,
size 9i"x4i".
Beginning :
«{t»l5l5IFI m II «ft5TOR4 sR: II
^lvn>4 —
End :
5% «fr5R?n«rt%rT nnRjd ii
51% 5^rai3f4»jg% diwiRid<M%«?l ^t^ftqsncn 'JlsgRatO
witf4?iT %^if45 ffw 5% i| II
38
R. G. HARSHE
*119. «r*g!r, with a commentary by Dated &ika
1760. Complete. Folios 1-8 Text Comm. 1-31, lines 12, letters 45, size 10" x 4".
Beginning :
!TJT: ti ^ gsRf^ i ^
II 1 II
Colophon at the end of the Text :
ergs 3W*rJ?ra »r ii
II
Colophon at the end of the commentary :
II 51% ^ *n^rr 4lqjn% fwrr^ qw
120. — By%«t?nq5 ^Tn%. Complete. Folios 1-14, lines 7.
letters 32, size 10" X 32".
Beginning ;
qwFi 3R^f*r3it qreFife?q§ni
cw wjp-fiwjqY^nqfa n i n
Colophon at the end ;
%5Jar: ii i «> i ii
5f?l
%5rTO|!T 5Hi5ra II
121. ^mwisrelsrora*!.— By Complete. Folios 1-8, lines
10, letters 31, size 10" x 4".
Beginning :
II >!fti|5t5IPT W II
55rf5r 5it4T#r II
II 1 II
End :
A INSCRIPTIVE CATALOGUE OF MSS. FROM V. M. GORHE COLLECTION 39
SECTION XIU—
122. — Incomplete. Folios 1-18, lines 8, letteis 52, size
12i"x4".
Beginning :
!UT: ^ JW. II
w ?i55^ 5T*niJr
srraiTi: m n
End : Folio No. 18.
II II ^ ^€fTR^-
<W#NW*W44|<!iWld+l*l<Attf5| —
g^fer^srit—
123. — Do — ^fe’cqijft — Incomplete, i-olios 1-5, lines 8, letters 52, size
12ix4".
Beginning :
!W- II
3Tsr §gJT5na3^?a«NRPf ii ^r^ranwiMi
'4^foi; II — etc.
End : Folio No. 5a :
II \% II 3T^i wra^«iHq. II II
SECTION XIV—
124. arl'suiw— -Incomplete. Folios 1-9, lines 12, letters 38, size
10" X 4".
Beginning :
qq; II JRWI JmWefo II
f' rv r\ rv rv r ~v
FK1*II|^
1^: «T?if q?n IflrapRr
in?Ri^ wife T^snpiT^'l II 1 II
End : Folio No. 9a :
^ «5£5i1^
»iPi% II ^ <r3iT
^r?l: II 1 11
40
R. G. HARSHE
I INDEX TO AUTHORS' NAMES.
( Figures r^er to the serial Number of the Mss^ )
3FEgR-20.
RM?^ti^-56.
3RRJR5-49, 50.
RR3JCTS #Il%-65.
8r?mS-85, 86.
ansf^-74, 92.
4>jRnjm-42.
*?fe!nsr-i06-i07, 110.
^3^^-106-112.
R5^B#ra^-121.
+l^li^(|Rr-43.
*i^-2, 67.
43#ii«r RiPn4-80.
qT^RWK-76.
%5RmS ^i»IF%-120.
?ra3^15-82, 83.
nlqB-3.
c5«IWI^-30.
#1-42.
R?^-98.
3Pmr«riftR-ii8.
RI5*ft^K-99-l03.
3RRft#Tg-72.
ma^4WRHft-62.
grq^-117.
^iwn!raf-48.
^firi^-105.
<^r«rflf-( )-75, 78,
«WCT5-66.
sqig-4-24.
^3R-51.
5ieiR-113.
s^<qft8-47.
RRmg^T )-57.
R4<i5n««f0^-7i.
)-52.
•i^=?[gft-68.
?i^?rat^-69. 115.
5IPWIR-90.
firRti^-89.
( 3#I§5I )-78.
#1^-45.
;ft5Rfe ( )-5.
«itRt¥I?-59.
31^-42.
#iR?3Hft-25.
5TOR-95.
^IrPR-44.
%ft-119.
^WFf?[-63.
S^W^-70.
II. Index to names of the Scribes. Figures refer to the serial Number
of the MSS. As the surnames are not mentioned in most cases the names are
not given in alphabetical order.
1. 4. a<UHI<l»liMPlft-44, 45.
5KfR<in^-3, 47, 50, 58, 5. ilI*ni35R-46.
62, 63. 6. R1o5f!wnOTSRg-51.
2. JRnTt-36. 7. 3riRd<Hm WKI^Ral^ l R -54.
3. fWRg %5Isr-37. 8. ^RP1S-57, 118.
A OESCKIPTIVE CATALOGUE OF MSS. FBOM V. M. GORHE COLLECTION 41
9. ?ft:
-59.
10. n>#i5njw ^3*15-60.
11. 8ncqMS-68.
12. SRI^vT »e-76.
13. aimsftg?! CTsr-78,
79, 82, 83.
14. %3T 3FRW §^-81.
15. JfRPrm^-86.
16. I
fTRR ( '{ )-95.
17. fil^*I5-96.
18. %RI a«^«ni5F9l5r ?|ft-97.
19. 5RftOJT-103.
20. 55^ 5!TO-107.
21. w n # T ; n»T 4 > ? n < ppn qftdi,^ *^i^-
108.
22. »qsRr3r-112.
23. ^gstpr-113.
24. <I*r*We§?T
STfe^-119.
2?. »J3R»II gS-32. ■
26. 3Pi^ 3f^-33.
27. »ire??gct %55-56.
28. ^1^-87.
29. %?-
5!n?T-89.
30. iunvisc ^^I«ipft-il5.
Ill DATED MSS.
Saihvat
1658— No. 90.
i>
1716— No. 108.
if
1674— No. 54.
it
1718— Nos. 39, 41, 96,
it
1676— No. 99, 101.
it
1719-No. 38.
if
1688-Nos. 44, 55.
it
1722— No. 60.
if
1796— No. 81.
it
1725— No. 78.
if
1798— No. 112.
it
1726— No. 79.
^a
1583— No. 97.
,,
1747--NO. 46.
5>
1589— No. 89.
a
1754— No. 59.
if
1595— No. 95,
it
1759-No. 107.
if
1603— No. 103.
it
1760— No. 119
it
1636— No. 37.
it
1767— No. 58.
>i
1685— No. 76.
ft
1772— No. 3.
it
1691-No. 57.
it
1775— Nos. 63, 65, 66.
it
1703— No. 51.
a
1776— No. 50.
>t
1709— No. 118.
tt
1777— No. 62.
a
1712— No. 86.
!•
1803— No. 47.
Appendix :
A consolidated list of MSS. in possession of Messrs. Gangadhara Rama-
krsija DharmadhikaiS, iSankara Vinayaka Nidre and .Sankara Baialywa
Lumpathakl, of Puajatambe, District Ahmednagar. The following abbrf-via
tions have been used to indicate the owners resjxctively : (Dh). (N). (L).
MSS. marked with asterisks are dated.
1. Agnipunina — (N) 4. Atit>avitra-istib — (L)
2. Agnihotra-prayasdtta — (L) 5. Adhomukhajanana^ntib— Extract
3. Agnihotra-stotra — (L) from Ratnakara (Dh>
HI ILITIN II. C. R. 1. Vf>l , I'
42
R. G. HARSHR
6. Anantavratakatha —Extract from
Bhavi^yottarapuraoa, Folios 20
(Dh)
7. Anantavratodyapanaviclhib-
Folios 17, Scribe : Balakrsj-oa
Govindabhatta (Dh)
8. AnantadigrahamaodaladevaLa
—Folios 12 (Dh)
9. Anahitagnirnavaprasanam
Folios 115, 180 (Dh)
10. Anumanapaddliatih
—Folios 20 (Dh)
11. Antye^tiprayogab— By Ke^va-
bhatta Laugak^i. Folios 120
(Dh)
12. Apamrtyiiliarakastotra (N)
13. Apavyananayanam i?)~ Folios 1
(Dh)
14-16. Apamarjanastolra- 2 copic-
(Dh) 4- 1 (L)
17. Amarakosa, savigraha- iL,)
18. Amarako^, III Kaodas, witli a
Commentary’ - (L)
*19. Arghyapiadanam, Saka 1713,
— ^Folios 10 (Dh)
20. Asaucadasakabhasyam— By llari-
hara--(Dh)
21-23. Asaucaniroayab ( 'rry’ambaki )
(L) 2 copies & 11 Hios of
the 3rd (Dh)
21 . Atsaucani njayab- “By Blui ska ra ,
Folios 26 (Dh)
25. Asaucasafigrahaly — ( Dh )
26. As va ttha ■ u dyapan a\'i dhib
-By Laugak-ji, Folios 3 (Dh)
27. Asvattha-upanayana— Saunakokta,
Folios 5 (Dh)
28. Asvadh/atika — ( L )
29. Acaradipa— By Nagadcva vDh)
30. Ac^mayukhab— Nilakaptha
^iankara (Dh)
31. Acaraikab- By Divakara Maha-
deva, Folios 79 (Dh)
32. Atmabodhab Sankaracary a
(Dh)
33. Atniabodhaprakaraiiyani— By
Saiikaracarya, verses 68 (Dh)
34. Adity* arhdaya — ( Dh )
35. Adhanaprayogab~By Tryambaka
Kr§iya (Dh)
30. Apaslambasutraj)ia\ aianiniayali
— By Bhatlojibhatta. Folios 5.
Complete (Dh)
37. Arabdhavi\*abady:a^aucapati
kartavyakartavyanirijaya-
nirupajoam — By ^rimallaugak^-
bhatta Bhaskara, Folios 3 (Dh)
38. Ai adhanaprayogab— Nagara-
khaoda, Folios 5 (Dh)
39. Ahitagnimaraijavi dhib — ( Dh )
40-40a. Itiliasasamuccaya-— ( N ) , ( Dh )
—Chapters 32, Folios 175.
4 1 . Upahgalalitakatha - Incomplete.
Folios 6 (Dh)
12. IJpahgalalilavrata- (Dh)
*43. Ekadasimahatmya— Saka 1687.
Folios 70. Extract from Bha-
vi§;yottarapura3ja. Scribe : Rfi-
ghavajana Marutgarya (Dh)
4-1 . Aurdhvadaihikapaddhatib — By
Narayaiyabhatta. Folios 45
(Dh)
45. Kacchapuraiya— ( N )
•16. Kapthabharacia - ( L )
47. Kaiivanhikasaddharmamahjai 1
(L)
*18. Karakamestiprayogab—^a
1666, Polios 7, (Dh)
49. Kakaspan^asanlib- Folio?
(Dh)
*"50. Katiyasutrabhasyc^ pai vaiyasrad-
dhapaddhatib— By Gadadhara
Dikjjita, ^>aka 1759, P'olios 16.
Scribe; Jay’^arama \Dh)
51. Kalyayanasutra -P'olio^ 10 (Dh)
52. Katyayanitantrokla-saptasativi-
dhana - Saka 178’3, P'blios 19.
53. Katyayaniya-parisi'>ta (Dh)
51 . Katyayanokla-snanavidhi-
bhasya — By Harihara (Dh;
55. Kamatab stri\’adhc prayasdtla-
ninyayab — By Vasudevasrama-
muni (Dh)
56. Kartaviryakavaca— Folios 10
(Dh)
57. Kartaviryarjuna-homavidhib
(Dh)
58-58a. Kartikamahalmya (L), P^olios
45 (Dh)
59. Kalaninyayab“*By Kaghunatha
Daivajha (Thetopanamaka)
(Dh)
60. Kav^^aprakasakaiika— (Dh)
61. Kiratarjuniya vyakhya — By Mal-
linatha (Dh)
A DESCRIPTIVE CATALOGUE OF MSS. FROM V. M. GORHE COLLECTION 43
62. Kiratarjuniyam— Cantos V, VII,
XI, XIII, XV-~(L)
63-64. Kun<Jam5rtai>(ia— ( L) , —By
Ananta Daivajna, with a comm..
Folios 61 (Dh).
65. Ku:o(Jasiddhah— By Vitliala Dik-
$ita, Sangamanerakara, Folios
8 (Dh)
*6^. — Do— Scribe : Jejurakara. Saka
1740, Folios 21 (Dh)
67. Kundarkah, Satikah (L)
68. Kuncjarkamaricimala-
By Raghuvira Dlksita, Folios
25 (Dj)
69. Kumarasambhavam, Sarga
(L)
70. — Do.— with Balavabodhatika
(Dh)
71. Kumarikapujanam- (L)
72. Kusakaindika— (L)
73. Kuhusinivalldarsa-' .lanana-
santih — (Dh)
74 . Kupiidi jalasayadiprati§tlr^
Extract from Paraskara Grbya-
sutra, Folios 8 (Dli)
75. Krdantaprakriya A chant < i
from S^rasvatlprakriya— By
Anubhiitisvanipacarya, Folio •
60 (Dh)
76. Kesa vapaddhatih— ( L )
“^77. Kcsavl-ndaharapam - saka 1731
Scribe : Ramcandra Pangn-
ranga. Folios 70 (Dh)
’78. Ko'kilamahatmya— Extract from
Bhavi §yot tarapunina . F ol ins .39,
Saka 1712 (Dh)
79. Khetakrtih —Folios 18 (Dh)
80. Gangalahari— (L)
81. — Do.— Balabodhinitika— By
Dalapatirama (Dh)
82. Gangasahasranama — ( L )
83. Ga^esapurana— ’ ( N )
84. Ganesasahasranamastolra, Folios
17 (Dh)
8.5. Gadadliarapaddhalih Folios 10;
(Dh)
86. Gadadharabhasya— ( N )
87. Gayamahatmya — (L)
* 88. Garudapurana - Pretakalpa,
verses 1580, Folios 81, Snka
1669 (Dh)
89. Gayatripurascarapavidliih-
Folios 10 (Dh)
90. Gayatrivivarajja— (N)
91*92, Gayatrisahasranama^2 copies
(Dh)
*93. Gtagovinda— ^ka 1683 (Dh)
94. Gltagaurlpatau prathamasargah—
By Bhanudatta — Incomplete
(Dh)
95. Gitamahatmya — Extract from
Padmapurana, Folios 40 (Dh)
96. —Do.— Extract from Skanda-
purapa (Dh)
’97. Gurugitastotra — Extract from
Skandapiirana, Saka 1714,
Folios 19 (Dh)
98. Gfh yasu trakarika — ( L )
99. Grhyasutrjbha^ya — By Gada-
dhara (L)
100. Gotrapravaranirnayah— By Ka-
malakarabhatta ( Dh )
’101. Gotrapravaramafijari— By Puru-
sottama Mayurcswara Jejura-
kar, 8aka 1733 Folios 84 (Dh)
1 02. Gotrapravarasarhsayodbheda-
paricchedah - Extracted from
Dharmadvaitaniniaya of ‘‘.an-
karabhatta Narayana - - ^aka
1736, Folios 46 (Dh)
103. Gotrasapipdya^khabdhih
Dhanabharah ( Dh )
104. Godana— (L)
105. Gopigita— (L)
106. Gop5candanopani§ad— (Dh)
107. Goprasavavidhih— ( Dh )
108. Goprasavaiantih - Extraci hen*.
Prayogadarpana (Dh)
109. Govindastotra - -By ^>ankar-
acarya, Folios 32 (Dh)
110. Graharaakha karmaprayogah—
Incomplete -Folios 25 (Dh)
’111. Grahalilghava- 8aka ^655, Folios
31 (Dh)
*112. — Do.— §aka 1732, Folios 36(Dh)
113. Gralialaghava vivaranam - By
Nfsiriiha (Dh)
114. Grahalaghavasara— ( L )
1 1f). Grahalaghavasiddhantarahasya
(Dh)
1 16. Ghatitadhyaya— Incomplete
Folios 8 (Dh)
117. Ghatotsargavidhib By Narf^
yapabhatta, Folios 27 Dh i
118. Catvaro bha?yani— (L)
119. Carakasaihhita — Folios 201 (Dh)
120. Caranavjiiha — Incomplete (Dh)
44
R. G. HARSH$
•121. Cara^avyuha— ^aka 1648, Folios
4. : Govindabhatta I^ar-
madhikari (Dh)
•122. Caraioavyuhabha§ya — By Gada-
dharabhatta Sauce, saka 1755
(N)
*125. Calacalapratistha— By Srikr^na-
devacarya, Saka 1767, Folios
25 (Dh)
124. — Do. — By Narayana, Folio'i 27
(Dh)
125-126. - Do.— Prayoga, (2 copies i
(Dh)
•127. Calarca — By Anantadeva, Saka
1766, Folios 10 (Dh)
1 28, Caturmasahautrapaddhatib — ( L )
129-132. Caturmasyakhyayagah—
4 copies (Dh)
133. Jiatakabharaijam— ( L )
*134. Jativivekah — By Gopinatha, Saka
1668, Scribe : GovindabhaUa
Dharmadhikarl, Folios 22 (Dh)
135. Jate§t!prayogah— (Dh)
”136. Jirpoddharah-* Extract from Xii-
Tjayasindlmh, Saka 1768. Fohos
2 (Dh)
137. Jivatpitrkanirpayah- ( L)
138. Jlvatpitn^ajhab- -(L)
139. Jivanmukti— (L)
*140. Jaimini asvamedha - Saka 1799,
Adhyayas 76, Folios 338, Scribe:
Govinda Ramacandra (Dh)
141. Jye^tha^ntih — Katyayanokta,
Folios 2 (Dh)
142. jvaraeikit'^a Folios 45 (Dh)
143. Iv’^arastotra— ( Dh )
144. Jvararhkusa— Folio.s 6 (Dh)
145. Pamari-— Katyayani tantroktapra-
yogab, Folios 12 (Dh)
146. Tarkaprakasa— Anumanapad-
dhatih, Folios 27 (Dh)
147-148. Tarkasangraha— (L) & (N)
149. Tarkasangrahadipika — By An-
nambhatta. Folios 48 (Dh)
150. Talikabhu^na — (L)
151. Tithikaustubhah - (Dh)
152. Tithlcintama^iiih— (L) — By
Gapesa Daivajha Folios 14
(Dh)
153. Tithicintamapisarani— By Ganesn
Daivajha, Folios 18 (Dh)
154. Tithininjayab— ( Dh )
155. — Do. — By Narayapabhatta,
Folios 16 (Db)
•156. —Do.— Folios 14, Saka 1699,
(Dh)
157. Tithyarkab— By Divakara (Dh)
*158. Tulsimahatmya— Saka 1685, Ver-
ses 869, Fifteen chapters, Folios
47 (Dh)
159. Tripupdravidhih— Folios 4 (Dh)
•160. Triratrasloki- Saka 1713, Folios
14 (Dh)
* 161. Tristhali^etuh— Extract from Vi-
dhanaparijata. Scribe : Sakha-
rama Dharmadhikari, Saka
1782, Folios 22 (Dh)
162. Dattakamlmahsa — ( L )
163. Dattatreyapatala — (N)
164. Dantajanana^ntih — Extract from
Matsyapurapa (Dh)
165-167. Darsapurnamasah 3 copies
(Dh)
168. Danamayukhab— (E)
169. Danaharavall— Folios 100. Ex-
tracted from Sudhasindhuh — By
Divakara Mahadeva Bhara-
dwaja (Dh)
*170. Dinamanasadhanam —Saka 1699,
Folios 17 (Dh)
171. Devl-upani§ad~ Folios ’5 (Dh)
172. Dhanahjavakosah Inawnplete
(Dh)
173. Nak§atrasahjnam kusumam —
Folios 26 (Dh)
171. Naksatrasatra (L)
175. Navagrahaiiyasa— ( L)
476. Navagrahavidhana- Saka 1738,
Folios 9 (Dh)
‘177. Nagabalih — Saimakokta, Saipval
1631, Folios 15 (Dh)
178. Naradapurapa— (N)
179. Naradisik,^— ( L )
180. Narasirhhakavyacampu — (L)
181. Narasiriihapurapa— (N)
182. Narayapabalih— Saimakokta,
Folios 13 (Dh)
183. Narayapopanisad — ( L )
184. —Do.— Folios 2 (Dh)
185. Nirpayasindhub— Prathama Pari-
cchedab~-(Dh)
*186. — ^Do. — Saka 1702 — By Kamala-
karabhatta, Folios 375 (Dh>
A DESCRIPTIVE CATALOGUE Of MSS. FROM V. M. GORHE COLLECTION 45
♦187. — Do.-^Saka 1739, Slokas 12000,
Folios 307 — By Krwabhattat -
maja Divakarabhatta (Dh)
188. Nimayasindhau dattakavii^yab
—Folios 2 (Dh)
189. Nirriayamrta— (L)
190. Nitl^lakam — By Bhaitrliari (L)
191. Nilakaothl (L)
1 92. Nilakanlhv-udaharanarn
—Folios 72, (Dh)
*•193. Nutanamurtipral’^tha — Saka 1681
Incomplete, Folios 4 (Dh)
194. Nai§adha— Cantos I, II,XIII(L)
195. Nai^adhfyacaritam— Text & Com-
mentary (Dh)
196. Nyayasastra — (N)
197-198. Pak§adikarniaprayo£jah
(2 copies) — (Dh)
♦199. Pancayatanapratistha— Saka 1699
Folios 34 — ^By Divakara (Dh)
200. Patnikapravrttagnyadhanavidhili
—Extract from Brahmananda-
paddhatib, Folios 56 (Dh)
201. Padarthamala-By Bhaskara-
bhatta Laugak^i, Folios 33 (Dh)
202. Padmapuraija — ( N )
203-204. Para^aramadhava (2 copies)
-(Dh).
205. Parnasanavidhih — ^Folios23 (Dh)
206. Pallipatana^ntih — ( N )
207. Pakayajnali— (Dh)
208. Paraskaragrhyasutra, Pralhama
kaiida — Folios 42 (Dh)
^209. Paraskaragrhyasulrabhasya — By
Gadadhara, Saka 1735. Folios
164 (Dh)
210. Parijala, - Saunakokta-dattaka-
putraparigrahavidhih, Folios
(Dh)
211 . Parthakita-istib — ( B )
212. Pingalacaryasutra — ( L )
*213. Punabprati§tha— 5aka 1766,
Folios 6.— (Dh)
214. F^l^a4cara'nallavanavidhih
—Folios 5 (Dh)
215. Puru$asQktabha§ya — ^Folios 7
(Dh)
216. Prakrti-i^tih— (Dh)
*217. PratapanSrasiihhe Kmjdavicare
Srautaviharah — Saka 1740,
Folios 9 (Dh)
*218. Pratapanarasimho kuQdaprakaro
Navakii?)(f[vi<fira — Saka 1740.
Folios 15 (I^)
2 19. Prati.svhakaumucli— ( L)
220. Pratii§thadarpaoa— ( L )
221. Prathamarajodarianaphala— (N)
222. Prado^avrata-udyapana — Extract
from Skandapurajja, kedara-
khanda. Scribe : Bhaskara
Candratreya, Folios 6 (Dh)
223. Pra>^gamaliatmya (L)
*224. Prayogadarpajja— Saka 1745,
Folios 191 (Dh)
* 225 . Pray ogapari jata — I ncomplete,
Saka 1460, Folios 176 (Dh)
226. — T>o.-Folios 39-90 (Dh)
227. Prayogaiatna - By Sadasiva
Diksita, Folios 79 (Dh)
228-229. Pravaranirnayah — (2 copies)
(Dh)
230-231. Pra\'asavidhih— (2 copies)
(Dh)
232. Pranaprati^thadimatrkah
— Folios 10 (Dh)
233. Praajiagnihotra — ( L )
'‘234. Prayakitta— By Bhattoji Dik-
§ita, Saka 1679, Folios 48 (Dh)
235. Prayascittamahjari— ( L )
236. Prayascittamayukhab — By Nila-
kaotha, verses 3500 (Dh)
*237. Prayascittaniadhava — Saka 1460
(Dh)
238. Prayascittendusekhara — ( L)
239. Prasadaprati§tha — N )
240. Prasadapratkstha (N)
*241. Prasadapratistha— Saka 1713,
Folios 29 (Dh)
*242. — Do— Matsyokta, S^ika 1729,
Folios 30*->(Dh)
243. Proksai>avidhib — (L)
* 244 . Batubhairavastotra— Extract
from Rudrayamala, Saihvat
1118, Folios 10 (Dh)
245. Bfhadgaurivrata - ( Dh )
246. Brahmastra vi dya — ( N )
*247. Brahmottarakhaijda— Saka 1704,
Folios 95. Scribe : Rarnn
Dharmadhikari.
248. Bhaktirasayana — ( L )
249. Bhakti vi^upadi— ( L )
250. Bhagavadgita — ^with a comm.
Sankai^nancE (L)
46
R. C. HARSHB
2Sl. Bhagavad^ta*^— By §ndha-
rayati, (Incomplete) (Dh)
252. Bhavi^yapuraoa (N)
253. Bhattacintamanih— ( N )
*254. Bhamimvilasah—By Jagannatha
Paiodita, ^aka 1739, Folios
16 (Dh)
255. Bharatacampu--*(L)
256. ~~Do— Tika (L)
257. Bha4apratyayavadah— ( Dh )
258. Bha^amanjari (N)
*259. Bhuvanesvaristotrabha^ya —
f;aka 1631, Folios 19 (Dh)
260. Mathlimnayapaddhatih - ( L)
261 . MaaidalabhLsy a— ( L )
262. Mahgalavi at a - ( N )
263. Matsyapurana- ( N )
264. Madanaparijata - ( N )
*265. Malamasamahatmya— Extract
from Padmapurapa, Saitivat
1783, Folios 56 (Dh)
*266. Mallarikavaca — Extract from
Brahmaodapurana, ^aka 1628,
Folios 9 (Dh)
*267. --Do-~Saka 1692, (Dh)
268, MallarimahMmya* (L)
269. Mallarisahasranama -( L )
*270. Maharudranyasah— Saka 1697,
Folios 17 (Dh)
*271. Mahiarndrapaddhatih—By Para-
sarama, Sarhvat 1688, Folios
66 (Dh)
*272. — Do—^aka 1740. Folios 71
(Dh)
273. Mahimnatika—By Ailacarya
(Dh)
*271. Maghakavya, Canto I, Comm.
;Saka 1721, FoIiOvS 31. Scribe :
Sadasiva Govinda (Dh)
*275. —Do-^rga XX, <^aka 1516,
Folios 120 (Dh)
276. Matrgotraniroayah*-By Kasi-
raja Balakfsna (N)
277. MadhavagSta— (L)
*278. Madhyandiniyavedaparibha^-
sutram — ^By Ke^va, Saka 1750,
Folios 6 (Dh).
279. Manasasnana—Folios 10 (Dh)
280. Markai>deyapurai)a— ( N )
*281. Margalir^amahatmya — ^Extract
from Skandapurana Saka 1689,
Folios 51 (Dh)
282. Mitak§ara— (L)
283. Mitak§arapancikS-— ( Dh )
284. Mitravinda i§tin~“(L)
285. Muktavali — (N)
286-287. Muhurtamartaoda— 2 copies
-~(L)
288-289. —Do— 2 copies (Dh)
290. Muhurtamala — ( L )
291. Mulajanana^ntib- Katyaj^anokta,
Folios 81 (Dh)
292. MTg.ab~(E)
293. Mrtyiihjayavidhib“~Folios 5
(Dh)
294. Y a jurvedasarhhita — ( Dh )
295. YajnaiwrsvaparLsi^ta — (E)
296. Yatidharmaprakasa — (L)
*297. — ^Do— By Vasudevasramamuni,
^aka 1726, Folios 74. Scribe :
Krsna Visvanatha (Dh)
298. Yatidharmanhika- - ( L ) .
299. Yamalajanana4antih-*(L)
300. Raghuvamsam-— Cantos V^, VII,
IX (L)
,301. Raghuvamsatika- By Malli-
natha (Dh)
302. Ratnamala- (L)
303. —Do. -By Sripati. Folios 39
(Dh)
304. Ralnamuktavali— ( I. )
305. Rasaratnakara - ( X )
*306. Raksasakav>’atiku — Saka 1698.
(Dh)
307. Rajaniti^stra- (N)
305. Ramakr^na — ( L)
* 309. Ramanamavalivralodyapana-
Katha - -Sahival 1766, Folios 12,
ICxtracl : Bhavisyottarapiirapa
(Dh)
*310. Rama^takam — By Kesavabhatta
Laugak^i, Saka 1663, Folios 10
(Dh)
311. Rarna^taka — By f>ankaracar>^a,
Folios 12 (Dh)
312. Rudrapaddhatih— Incomplete
(Dh)
312. Rudramahanyasapaddhatih (Dh)
314. Rudrayamale bhavanlstotra —
(Dh)
315. Lak^anamaskarodyapanaprayo-
gah- (Dh)
316. Lak^mlsukia — Folios 3 (Dh)
317. Laghupara^ara— (N)
A DESCRIPTIVE CATALOGUE OF MSS. FROM V. M. GORHE COLLECTION 47
318. LaghuvakyavrttiJj — ^By Sankara-
cary’a, Folios 4 (Dh)
319. Lingatobhadra -( L)
"320. Lingapratii§tha~"Saka 1766,
Folios 18 (Dh)
321. Vajrasticih— Folios 5 iDh)
322. Varahapuraiia — (N)
323. VapikupotsargavidiiUj - ( Dh )
32*. Vapikupotsargavidhib—By Kama-
lakarabhatta, Folios 6 (Dh)
325. VastusantiJi — By Padmanabha,
Folios 12 fD'M
326. Vidhanaparijata - By Ananla-
bhatta (Dh)
*327. — Do. — Sam vat 1810, Folios
about 900 (Dh)
328. Vidhivilasah — Folios 31 (Dh)
329. Vinayakasantih, -Extract from
Saiiiskarabhaskara, Folios 8
(Dh)
330. Vi§ijuyagapaddhatil.i — By Madha>'
vacarya, Folios 120 (Dh)
33 1 . Vistjusahasranama - - ( Dh )
332. Visvagui^adarsakavya— ''L)
333. V rttaratnakara — ( L )
331. V rttaratnakaravsctu-tlka — ( Dh )
335. Vr§otsarga— (L)
336. Vcdastutib — Commentary by
Chakiav^rti (L)
337. — ^Do. -Commentary by Partha
(L)
338. V'cdanta AtmanirQpajja— Veisrs
475, Folios 31. Scribe : Piithaka
(Dh)
*339. Vedarambhaprayogab -Saka 1774,
Folios 21 (Dh)
340. Vairagyasatakam— By Bhartrhari
<L)
*341. Vaisakhamahatmy a— Extract from
Padmapuraria, Sariivat 1784,
Folios 80 (Dh)
342. Vyatipatanirupapa— Extract from
Sripurapa saihhita. ( Incom-
plete), Folios 111 (Dh)
343. Vyatipata, Vaidhrti, sarhkranti —
^ntib (Dh)
344 . Vy’ankate^puraaja — i N )
345. VyasapQja— -(Dh)
346. — ^Do. — ^Folios 7 (Dh)
347. —Do.— Folios 56 (Dh)
348. V rat akaumudi — ( L )
*349. Vratakaumudi— ^aka 1777, Folios
128 (Dh)
350. Vratarkab— ( N )
351. Vratarkanukramalji - By iiankara-
bhatta (Dh)
352. Satacapdi — Kamalanusari, Folios
28 (Dh)
353. Satapathabrahmatia—Incomplclc
(Dh)
*354. —Do.— Some - incomplete pra-
pathakas, 8aka 1552 (Dh)
355. Sanaiscaiastrotra— By Dasaratha,
Extract from Agnipurapa, Folios
9 (Dh)
356. 8abdasakti^indhuI.t— By Varanid
(Dh)
357. Sandilyapancadhyayitika — Folios
7 (Dh)
358. Satatapasmitib 3 Chapters,
16 (Dh)
359. Santipathab* (Dh)
360. Santimayukha — ( N )
*361. Santimayukha -- By Sankara-
bhatta Nilakaptha, Saka 1685,
Folios 167 (Dh)
362. Sarirasutra — ( N )
363. Salakarma— By Lak§midhara,
Folios 59 (Dh)
^361. Sivapujavidliib---By Bhatta Bha-
vanidasa, Saka 1845, Polios 16
(Dh)
365. Si vavarmakathana— ( N )
366. Sivasahasranamakalha
—Extract from Sivarahasya,
P'olios 31 ( Dh )
367. Sivasahasranamavali— Scribe :
Vi^pu Anantacarya, Folios 11
(Dh)
368. Sivaparadhastotra — wlih a com-
mentary (L)
369-372. Sisupaiavadha of Magha —
Text & Comm, of MalUnatha,
4 copies (Dh)
373. —Do.— Cantos II & IV (L)
.374, Sighrabodhab— Incomplete,
127, Folios 10 (Dh)
375. Sighrasiddhib-''(L)
376. Suklayajurveda, padapathr^ —
(Dh)
378. Sulbasutra— (L)
379. Sudrakamalakari— ( D
380. Spigara^atakam— By Bhartrhaii
(L)
48
R. G. HARSHE
381. Sravaoadvada^inirjjayah
— ^Extract from Bhavi§yottara-
puracui, Folios 7 (Dh)
382. Sraddhakalpasutra— By Katyajii-
namuni, IX Kapcjas, Folios 6
(Dh)
383. ^raddhacandrika - By Div’akar-
atmaja Vaijanatha (Dh)
384. Sriaddhadipakalika— By Bopa-
deva (Dh)
385. Sraddhapaddhatih— ( Dh )
*386. Sraddhapaddhatih* (Vajasaneya
sakhay am ) - Saka 1782, Folio5>
38 (Dh)
387. Sraddhaprayogah — By Bhas-
karabhatta. Folios 23 (Dh)
388. Sraddhamayukhah — ( Dh )
389. §raddhasuktabha.^ya — By
Cchaga, Folios 24 (Dh)
390. Sraddhasutra — By Bhaskaracarj a
(L)
391 . Sraddhasutrabha§ya— ( L )
392. Srimadbhagavata — with Comm.
by Nilakaijtha (Dh)
393. Srimahabharatasarab — ( Dh )
*394. Sriramaprati§tha — 8aka 1766,
FoliOvS 9 (Dh)
395. §rlsuktabha§ya (Dh)
396. Srautakui:k(Javedinirina^akarika—
(Dh)
397-397U. Srautapaddhalib 2 Copicb
(Dh).
398. 8rautoIhasa - ( L )
399. Satpaficayka (I.)
400. Santanagopalavidhib Folios 3
401 . Sannyasapaddhatih - i, L )
♦402. -~Do-^-8aka 1701, Folios 21.
Scribe : Kasiraja Balakfsna
(Dh)
403. Saptapadartliltika* Padartha—
Candrika (Dh)
404. Saptasati— ( Dh )
405. —Do. — Commentary Nagoji-
bhaU (Dh).
406. -Do. — T»ka — By I^lamaiii Bala-
krsna Tripathl of the Mala-
viya family, Folios 118 (Dh)
407. Saptasatividhana — Folios 39
(Dh)
408. SaptaSatIvyakhyana — By Nagoji -
bhatla. Folios 56 (Dh)
409. Saptasatlstavanamalamantra —
(Dh)
410. Saptaisatlstotra, with a Com-
mentary in Marathi — (N)
411. Sabharafi j anakatha — ( L )
412. Samayamayukhab — (Dh)
413. Samadhi-utsarjanavidhib — (L)
414. Samadhi-utsavab ■*" By Dhancs-
vara Paodita, Folios 5 (Dh)
415. Samastvadhyayabha^ya — By
Mahidhara (L)
416. Samitsamaropab — Extract from
Smart apaddhatih of Ganga-
dharabhatta, Folios 21 (Dh)
117. Sarv'-atobhadra- - ( L )
418. Sarvatobhadradevata — Prayoga-
darpaijanusarena, Folios 2C
(Dh)
419. Sarvadevanam jirpoddhara
vidhib — Folios 2 { Dh )
420. Savapr§ta-is(ib — (L)
421 . Sarvapray akilta - - ( N )
422. — Do.-(L)
423. -Do. — By Bhattojl Dik^ita,
Folios 79 (Dh)
12 1 . Sanrapray akiltapray ogab— ( Dh )
425. Sarvasadharapaprayascittam—
(Dh)
426. Sahasracaijdi- -Rudrayama-
lokta, Folios 34 (Dh)
127. Sahk^epasariraka, Chapter II —
By Mahamuni, Folios 15-70
(Dh)
428. Sanjhaprakriya— ( Dh )
429. Samdhya- llariharckta. Folios
99 (Dh)
'430. Samprok§aijavidhib— Saka 1774,
Pancaratrokta, Folios 5 (Dh)
43 1 . Samskarakaustubhab — ( Dh )
*432. Samskarakaustubhe DaUakanir-
nayab— Saka 1718, Folios 19
(Dh)
'433. Sarhskarapaddhatib—^aka 1764,
Folios 120 (Dh)
434. Samskarabhaskara — By Sankara
Nilakantha, Folios 150 (Dh)
435. Saihhitasvahakara, Vajasaneyi—
(Dh)
136. Sfignikapi avasavidhib — ( L )
437. Sadhyasankalpaprayogab—
Folios 17 (Dh)
438. Sapixidyadipika— ( N )
439. Sayampratarhomab— ( Dh )
A DESCRIPTIVE QATALOGUE OF MSS. FROM V. M. GORHE COLLECTION 49
440. —Do— Folios 9 (Dh)
441. Sarasvata— (L)
442. Siihhasthapaddhatib— ( L )
443. —Do.— Folios ”71 (Dh)
444. Sudar^nasaihhitokta $atptar.m-
vasamputilarudra japab— ( Dh )
445. Sundaralahari — (L)
446. Suksmagaijitamtakaodpar?
maoe kotihomavadliikuijda-
vicarah, — Folios 8 (Dh)
447. Saundaryalahari — By Sankaia-
carya, Folios 13 (Dh)
448. Strikitapu javidhib— ( L )
449. Sthalipakaprayogah — ( Dh )
450. Snanasutra — Chapters 5, Folios
29 (Dh)
451. Smartagangadhari— (L)
452. Smartapadarthasaimgrahab
—By Gangadhara. Scribe :
Anantabhatta. Folios 75 (Dh)
453. Smartapaddhatau digpitryajhab
— ^By Gangadharabhatta, Folios
37 (Dh)
•454. Sixiftikaustubha— By Ananta-
deva, Saka 1711, Folios 368,
(Dh)
455. Smiticandrika — Incomplete,
Folios 47-125 (Dh)
*456. Smrtyarthasarab — Saka 1710,
Folios 162 (Dh)
*457. Smrtyartliasare dattakaniroayab-^
Saka 1708, Folios 10 (Dh)
458. Haniimatpat^vidhana— Folios 4
(Dh).
•459. Hanumatpratistha — ^Pancaratra-
gamokta, Saka 1766, Folios 7
iDh)
460. Haratalikakatha— Extract from
Bhavi^yottarapuraoa ( Dh )
'61 . Hariharatmakastutib— ( Dh )
462. Harivamsam — (L)
463. Hotrprayogab — ( Dh ) t
+ 3i=466
t Besides these Skr. MSS. Mr. Dharmadhikari has in his collection tlic follow-
ing two Marathi MSS., which might be noted here in passing :
1. YaksioiprakarasTa— FoUos 8.
2. Rukmioisvayaihvara — Adhyayas 18, verses 700, tSaka 1704. Scribe : Rama-
bhattatmaja Vinayaka,
BUJLtBTlN O. C. R. tj VOL. IV.
ON THE DEFINITION OF THE MORPHEME
By
C. R. Sankaran and M. G. Venkatesiah.
The morphological system of a language could be described without
reference to the phonemic quality, i.e. the phonemes could be regarded as
‘disjunctive’ functional elements, as they are in fact regarded for the pur
pose of the graphic representation of literary languages, without considerations
of their accoustic relations.’ All the definitions of the morpheme with the
exception of Noreen’s which Jespersen records in his Analytic Syntax^ indi-
cate ‘expressive’ units constituted by given phoneme-combinations. The
object of this paper is to demonstrate that the conception that the morpheme
is the closest significative or conceptual counterpart of the phoneme alone, is
adequate to explain certain facts of language. We draw our instances here
in illustration of this conception from Kanna<Ja, one of the important langu-
ages belcHiging to the Dravidian family.
VacheK'* objects to Skalicka’s view that the correlative relation of
two phonemes should be considered as their private affair which has no
bearing on actual speech. We would like to lay special emphasis on the
view that while the phoneme is the phonic unit which represents the phono-
logical analysis synchronically relevant to the significative side of language,
the morpheme represents the furthest degree of significative (semantic)
analysis synchronically relevant to the phonic side of language.’ L. Bloom-
I'lELD defines morpheme as the smallest meaningful unit’ (lexically) and is
of the opinion that the total stock of morphemes in a language is its lexicon.'*
Now according to this definition, bekku ‘ a cat ’ in Kanna^ja is to be reckoned
as a morpheme.
ZiPF’ reckons as moiphemes -prefixes, roots, suffixes and endings, e.g.
in bekkannu (accusative), we would have two morphemes bekku-Van-n-u
(acc. suffix).
' C. B. Bazeu, On P'orra and Function. The Journal of English and Gcrtnank
Philology. Vol, 37, 1938, p. 329.
' Otto Jesi’krsen. Analytic Syntax, p. 106.
* Vachek, Phonemes and Phonological units. Tiavaux du cercle Lingmstique
de Prague, VI, 235 ff. Vachek, Can the Phonemes be defined in terms of Time ?
Melanges van Ginnekcn.
* C. E. Bazell, ■ Arcliimorpheme ’ and ‘ Phonomorirfieme.’ Modern Language
Notes. Vol. 53. 1938. pp. 363-64.
’’ See O, Jespersen. Anahtk Syntax, p. 106.
« See also L. Bloomfield, A Set of Postulates for the Science of Language,
Language. Vol. II, 1926, pp. 155-157.
’ ZlW, Psycho-biology of Language, p. 15.
ON THE DEFINITION OP THE MORPHEME
51
Now we meet with the following situations : —
(1) all the vibhakti-pratyayas (case-sulfixes) ;
(2) the plural endings like -gaUi in bekkugalu 'cats’ and those endings
which are used in the formation of abstract nouns ;
(3) avyayas (indeclinables) like dd ‘indeed’, vol (<vol<pol)
‘like’ and pratyayas (suffiixes) like -isu (causative), -ike (abstract nominal
suffix), alpadu (al-padu), ante ‘like’ (adveibial suffix); [nmdisu ‘to cause
to be made * : mdduvike ‘ the act of doing * : mdd-al-padu ‘ to allow to be
made ’ : mddiddnte ‘ just as it is made ’ and cmdranmte ‘ like the moon ’] —
all these are to be counted as mmphenies.
(4) mddidare ‘if done’ can be analysed in any one of the following
ways
(i) mdd(u)4‘d-me, where denotes ‘if’ and -i- may be taken as a
sign of the absolutive.
(ii) mddida-re where -da is not merely euphonic and -re may be taken
to denote ‘ if *.
(iii) mddu -f adore, where -da is doubtless not euphonic. [It may be
noted here that -are (as also -re) is a fomt derived from (idare,\
(5) mdfjidamele ‘after having done* has three morphemes {mdi-ida-
mUe).
(6) Now a question crops up : in mddida ‘ that which has been done’
and mddada ‘ that which has not been done have we to reckon i and a of
the second syllable alone as morphemes? In an instance like (avanu)
mddidanu ‘ he did ’, -i- indicates the past tense according to Caldwell while
-da- is merely euphonic® and he illustrates this view through the form mad-i.
KrtTEL’s view is that -i- is merely euphonic and -d- is the real indicator of
past tense.*-^
According to A. N. Narasimhia however, in mddida, -da is the declin-
able past participial suffix added to the adverbial past participial lor abso-
lutive, cf. (4) (i) above] form mdd-i which itself is formed by adding -i
(the adv. pp. suffix) to the base mad(w).’'^’
Gai suggests that mddada may be analysed into mdd(u) +a-\-da where
-a- may be taken to indicate negative and -da, as in the case of mddida alxwe,
the decl, pp. suffix.
® Caldwell, CGD {A Comparative Grammar of the Dravidian Languages
3rd ed., 1913), p. 498,
» Kittel, kg (A Grammar of the Kannada Language, 1903), p. 104.
A. N. Narasimhia, GOKI (A Grammar of the Oldest Kanarese Inscrip-
tions, Mysore, 1941), p. 202.
The form keljidu found in M. K. (cf. Kannatja Kaipidi, 1936, p. 433) shows
that -idu is added to form the adv. pp.
52
C. R. SANKARAN AND M. G. VENKATESIAH
We venture to suggest here that in mai^da and madidanu, 4dn indicates
past affirmative on analogy with the negative rnddada. Vfe therefore analyse
madidanu into mad(u)‘\~ida-^an(u). This may have been derived
from ide (it is) on analogy with the derivation of the negative suffix ada
< ade.
With regard to the form ^mdada, we would like to point out that the
meaning of bara, kela in the affirmative^^ clearly shows that or (-d) by
itself could not have indicated the negative. We have the neg. suff. -ode in
tappade^^
Again instead of taking -da (in mddada) as the deck pp. suffix,^® we
make the contrary assumption that -da is not the adjective indicator.^*
Therefore -da in madada need not be taken as the deck pp. suffix. Thus,
since the last syllable da has no semantic configuration in these two words
madida and mddada, we have to take -ida and -ada as morphemes, -ida
denoting the past affirmative and -ada denoting the negative meaning. Hence
in each of these two cases we have two morphemes only.
(7) The cases of substitutions like ‘w' indicating affirmative as in
Ntnu baruttiyo} (will you come?) * u* : (yes !) and in the case of a wife
addressing a husband as enu andare ‘that means’, where andare stands as a
circumlocution for husband, as a result of taboo.
(8) Particles like a, e, and 5 in hdge helideyd (did you say like that ?)
ndnu hdgale? ndnu hdgald? (shall I go).
(9) The emphatic e in ade mdtu ‘the same word', ndxm oUeyadanne
mddabeku ‘we must do good only’.
(10) d which indicates affirmative: Ntvu hogiddiro (have you
gone ? yes ! )
(11) 0 which indicates doubt: avaru bandar d end? (have they
come ?)
(12) 5 as an indication of exclamation : hdgd ! (like that !)
Nos. 7 to 12 are left out if we adhere to Bloomfield’s definition of mor-
pheme. As illustrated by the examples, these have a semmiic ednfiguration
No instance like this -ending in a, indicating the negative meaning is found
in Old Kan. In New Kan. bora means ‘ he does not come.' bd7adavanuyhdraim'>
bdia,
12 Cf. GOKl, p. 208.
i'* As suggested by G. S. Gai.
1** Here it is needless to point out that a diachronic relationship is dealt with
and in the very nature of things diachrony will have in it something of the specula-
tive (on this question, see C. D. C^R^:TIEK, Indo-European final -*s in Germanic.
VniiK, of California Publications in Modern Philology, Vol. 25, No. 1, p. 9). All
that we wish to point out here is that there is no evidence other than the logical
principle of economy of thought (as we believe) for adopting the assumption we have
made,
ON THE WEFINITION OF THE MORPHEME
53
which must be tako) into account and undoubtedly they have a claim to be
considered as morphemes, because each one of them is the smallest memtingjul
unit. This is in sui^rt of the view we like specially to emphasise here that
any unit which has a senumtic configuratum or which alters the semantic con-
tent of a meaningful unit whether found in the lexicon or not, should be c(m-
sidered as a morpheme.
ON THE SUB-CLASS OF a -PHONEME^
By
C. R. Sankaran
[Abstract .-—In this paper, the similarity between the various classes of
phonemes (already defined) are pointed out. It is also shown that the definition
of the sub-class of ^-phoneme is a construction. The basic physical assumptions
on which the problem of the sub-class of a-phonemc has to be worked out experi-
mentally, are indicated. The advantages got by the definition of the sub-class of
^-phoneme are also shown.]
It has been demonstrated that «i has a one to one relation with k and
with c, with t, 04 with /, with p and Og with r.^ The class a k
is similar to the class 4 c for there is a one-one relation which correlates
the terms of the first class each with one term of the other class.
In like manner a a., c is similar to a / and
a O'., ( „ a «4 t
a 04 t „ i tt4 t
i t k
e ai k „ a p
« P n ^ «»> t
(I r „ M 0,1 r
U r M ^ ttr. I
since there is a one-one relation of which the one class is the domain, while
the other is the converse domain. These are finite classes and have the same
number of terms and are transitive.'^ A change-ix)int is defined to be any
point at which any organ changes from one type of function to another and
an a-sound is defined to be the segment between two successive change-
points.'^ The sub-class of a-phoneme is a segment even as \/2 is the segment
^ It has been already pointed out how we can define a sub-class of ^v-phoneme
the Ayiam in old Tamil. See BDCKI. 2. 345 ; 3. 393.
- See BDCRh 2. 348-49 ; 3. 393 fn. 8. The aytam in old Tamil is a combi-
natory vmkttif (for it occurs only before k, c. t, p and r) like the Hungarian rj
which occurs only before k and g. Cf. J. Von Laziczius, A new Category in Phono-
logy. Proceedings of the Second Inter national Congress of Phonetic Sciences, Cam-
bridge, 1936, p. 60.
This is also found in Pali and Bengali and all NIA Vernaculars as a com-
binatory phoneme, though not often represented as such in writing. (Prof. S. M.
Katre draws my attention to this fact). Similarly n is of like type in NIA loan
wprds from Skt. as in Jndna etc. and occurs only before c and j as in evah ca ; itthan-
janayati, with the exception of Pali and Magadhi, where it has an independent
existence.
^ See Russell, Introduction to Mathematical Philosophy, 1919, p. 16.
^ C. F. Hockett, a system of descriptive Phonolog>’, Language, 18. 5,
ON THE SUB-CLASS OF a-PHONEME
55
consisting of all those ratios whose square is less than 2.^ It can be easily
seen that the series (of segments) constructed is Dedekindian. The defi*
nition of the sub-class of a-phoneme here is an example of ‘ construction ’ as
against ‘ postulation.’^ Of course here the phonemes (the vowel + ay tarn
the consonant) form a densely ordered class and my belief is that the
distance between them can be measured to a great degree of accuracy con-
sistent with the axiom of equi-distance and the axiom that the distance is
always positive.^
By ‘ distance ’ is meant ‘ interval since hero we are dealing witli ‘ inter-
val of time ’ — duralit i and not ‘ interval of space.’
The essential difference between vowel and consonant is no doubt a moot
point. The traditional way of distinguishing Uiem may look all right only
when we deal with clear-cut cases.^
Now the problem of this sub-class of «-phoneme has yet to be woiked
out experimentally on the following three oosrc physical assumptions
1. In the transiiionaU the vowel and the consonant are always together :
there is superimposition.
Russell, ibid, p. 73.
^ For the distinction between ‘ construction ’ and ‘ postulation ’ sec Russell,
op, cit„ p. 73.
Prof. M. D. Manohar shares this bclicl with me. A rapid acting hetero-
dyne wave analyzer —O. H. Schuck’s sound prism "-enables the experimenter to make
observations on the components of sound waves in one tenth of a second, and photo-
graph their spectra at any given moment during the observation. Proceedings of
Radio Engineers 22, 1295-1310, Nov. 1934. M. J. Andrade, Some questions of
fact and Policy concerning Phonemes, Language, 12. 5. fn. 14.
^ Rao Sahib S. R. Ranganathan (in a private communication to me dated
22nd Aug. 1942) narrates to me a curious experience he had with his boy who is
ten years old. The boy began to play with syllabification. He naturally drilled
himself in syllabifying some of the words in his stock. He called his father to his
aid in diihc'ult situations and in trying to equip him with some rcasomug which
would pull him through all the difficulties that proved too much for his intuition,
the father had to bring in the essential landmark of vowels in syllables and to say
that the vowels get encased in a consonantal setting. The popular notion of vowels
and consonants can be of use only in such elementary spheres. But for deeper
studies we should if we can, change over to a' quantitative definition instead of a
qualitative one. Now when we have to deal with continuous instead of discrete
entities the analogy, rather thd background which we are obliged to use ordinauly,
is only either space or time. Perhaps there might other fundamental backgrounds
also for dealing with entities amenable to quantiWtive measurements. But if the
assumption made here is correct, then it is obviolis that it is only the time back-
ground that is available for the study of vowels and consonants. Undou.bfe(Uy
there is a large vista of investigation along this line. In any scientific investigation
ordinarily, these two fundamental bases of quantitative distinction of entities viz.
space and time recur frequently. But Phonematics has apparently to use only one
fundamental background viz. time.
56
C, R. SANKARAN
2. During the transitional as a consequence of super-imposition, the
masking effect will be of importance.
3. If the duration of the consonants extends beyond the refractory
period, there is a chance for the audibility of the consonant, in case
the preceding vowel has an influence on the following consonant.®
The definition of the sub-class of a-phoneme has the following advan-
tages. It defines a new ‘bound* class (rather a sub-class) of phoneme.^®
It might throw new light on the famous Verner’s law and the allied problems
and even on Sanskrit visarga-sandhi,^ besides the Kannada It might
throw a new light on Etedekind’s axiom itself.^^
I am not unaware that there are serious difficulties in accepting Dedc-
kind's theorem even in the realm of pure mathematics.'^* The objection that
the Dedekindiah series are a ‘ fiction * on this basis is not valid for the very
conception of the ‘phoneme* itself according to TwAddell and others is a
‘ fiction
® I am indebted to Prof. M. D. Manohar for these formulations.
See BDCRI, 3. 393.
I am indebted to Dr. I. J. S. Taraporewala for pointing this out to me.
i'2 BDCRI 3. 394.
I venture to contend (I believe with justification) even beyond Sapir who
claims that ‘ it is far from unlikely that the accumulated experience of linguistic
research may provide more than one valuable hint for the setting up of problems
of research to acoustics and physiology themselves’ Sapir, Status of Linguistics as
a Science, Language, 5. 213.
Cf. ‘There are infinite number of series for which Dedekind’s axiom is
not verified.’ Russell, op. cit, p. 71.
See Twaddell, On defining the Phoneme, Language Monograph, No. 16,
Baltimore, 1935. Vachek, One aspect of the Phoneme Theory. Proceedings of
the 2nd Internatwnai Congress of Phonetic Sciences, 1936, pp. 33-40. W. F.
Twaddell. On Various Phonemes, Language, 12. 53-59 and Answers to Andrade’s
Questions, Language, 12. 294-297. Cf. also “ Le phoneme est par consequent un
ph^nom^ne idi6al, une entity abstraite qui resulte de I’analyse du sujei: parlant et
qui fait partle d’un siyst^me.” A Rosetti, Sur la d6finition du phoneme, Bulletin
Linguistigue, 7. 103.
A MARATHA CHIEF’S INTEREST IN THE ANCIENT
AND MODERN SCIENCE OF WARFARE
By
T. S. Shejwalk/r.
The Maralha state was essentially a war-state. It had been established
(or the express purpose of waging a peimancnt war against the ideology of the
Islamic state which sought the conversion of the whole world to Islam. It was
to act as an antidote to the poison of Islamic ideology sought to be introduced
into the body politic of India by tlie zealous Islamic rulers like Aurangzib.
When Sahaji and Sivaji found that their efforts to counteract this poison by
beaming servants in the Islamic states and trying to influence it from the
inside by i^eaceful and persuasive means failed, Sivaji finally decided that only
the establishment of a sovereign Hindu state warring against the Islamic state
would solve the difficulty by acting as a direct check against the spread of
Islamic virus. Such a state had naturally to make the army as its chief
motive power and to keep it in a state of efficiency so as to be effective in
gaining its end. One would, therefore, expect such a state to make an advance
in the military science and in any case make a full provision for teaching it.
But when a student of history tries to inwstigate into the matter, he finds to
his astonishment that no document is forthcoming which would tell him of the
arrangements of the Marathas in inculcating the military bias to the younger
generations of the Marathas. While their military machine was elficiently
working as long as the state was vigorous, they do not seem to have added in
any way to the world-stock of military knowledge. Even documents enu-
merating the duties assigned to the various military officers arc not found,
except a bare skeleton of instructions issued Sivaji in his Qdnoon jdbia
of the first year of his reign as Chhatrapati. Ramachandrapant Amatya in his
short treatise for the instruction of a young Chhatrapati has touched the sub-
ject but too briefly. It merely proves that the idea of such instruction had
been inculcated in the minds of the generation, aiming just after Sivaji, but
it does not seem to have been pursued by the later generations. A student
who wishes to know the military system of the Marathas, therefore, has to
fall back upon the expedient of collecting jots of information from the casual
descriptions of the same in various letters and chronicles. This very methixl,
it should be noted, was followed by that assiduous scholar William Ikvine in
his The Army oj the hidian Moghuls and by Sen in his Military System vi
the Marathas,
Curiously enough we have discovered a Marathi document written in
Modi in 1828 a.d. by a munshi at the court of Satara under Raja Pratapsirhha.
This document is styled Bini Prakarmia or “ About the duties and the quali-
fications of the Quarter-Master General.” It was found among the bundles
BULLETIN 0. C. R. 1.' VOL. IV. g
'i8
T. S. SHEJWALKAR
of manuscripts in the Parasnis Collection which is now deposited in this
Institute. Bini Prakarana is from the pen of Madhavrao Munshi, who has
translated some other books also. His Marathi translation of AraishA-
Mahftl, a Hindustani work composed by Sher Ali at the suggestion of
Mr. Harrington at Calcutta in 1804, has been printed under the title
Sabhdrmjmi in BHaraivarsa (1900) by Rao Bahadur D. B. Parasnis him-
self. Similarly a short article styled Akbar Nlti has also been printed in
this magazine. The description of the subas of the Mughal empire found
printed in the same magazine is in this Munshi’s \')en. A Modi manuscript,
presumably copying its contents from Shdhnanta and Nigaristan and advis-
ing a king on state affairs of every description is found in the same bundle as
our present document. Madhavrao Munshi seems to have been assisted by
one Mirza Ali Munshi.
Raja Pratapsimha, as is known to students of history, was a clever
prince, highly proud of his lineage and with ambition to do and achieve some-
thing worthy of his great name as a Chhatrapati. He had started a school
in Satara for tutoring the Marathas in Sanskrit, Marathi and Persian lan-
guages and lores. He was not satisfi^ with merely copying things. He tried
to adopt the knowledge from outside sources to suit and amalgamate with
their ancient heritage. With this aim he sought help from his English instruc-
tors, his Persian Munshis and his Sanskrit .^stris. Pratapsimha had imprcw-s-
c'd Elphinstone, Malcolm, the historians Giant Duff and Briggs, very favour-
ably and had been elected a member of the Royal Asiatic Society on theii
recommendation. He had heartily co-operated with Grant Duff in his search
for documents and information. He wanted the Marathas to keep up their
military tradition and with that view tried to encourage the breeding of good
horses by offering cash prizes and supplying stallions to villagers in his state.
He was a good hunter too. While he copied British methods in his work,
he would not accept their opinions. On many points he stoutly opposed
slavish foreign imitation in many particulars. He did not believe in the
promiscuous mixing of good stocks and hence was not favourable to the
breaking of Indian castes. He was against the idea of sending girls to schools,
though not opposed to their education at home. He would not sweep away
the basic foundations of Indian culture even in fields non-socio-religious.
It seems he wanted to compile a manual for the use of the young Ma-
rathas to be employed in his small military establishment, though it is well-
known that there had been no duty left to be performed by the various Indian
states secured by the British Government against both internal and external
foes. Still their military establishments continued to exist for some time on the
original lines. The title and the names and the technical terms remained
the same, though their duties and their usages were rc-modelled after the
British pattern. Pratapsiiiiha had before him, to be sure, an English military
manual which he could have translated straight on. But he would not. He
followed the British methodology and properly arranged his work dividing
it into chapters and sections, and we have before us only one chapter prepared
A MARATHA CHIEF’S INTEREST IN ANCIENT 'AND MODERN WARFARE 89
after the model framed by him. which deals with, as said above, the duties
and the qualifications of the Quarter-Master General and Adjutant. The
titles of subordinates and the technical terms are practically all in Persian,
which shows that Phatapsiimha was either copying these directly from a Per-
sian document or continuing the Persian nomenclature already adopted in the
Military usage of the Maratha army, during the days of the Peshwas. We
are led to print this document mainly believing in the latter supposition.
While adopting the British system in military matters, he would still
like to try ancient Hindu battle formations witl-. the European trained in-
fantry to the accompaniment of artillery, together with Indian cavalry, camel-
riders, elephant-, iders and charioteers. Where this was not feasible from the
military point, he would put guns in place of elephants, musketeers in place
of archers and so on. This trend of his mind is clearly exemplified in his
essay at military formations.
The term Biniwala or Quarter-Master is not found in Irvine’s standard
work on The Army af the Indian Moghuls, from which it appears this name
originated at some Muslim court in the Deccan and was copied by the
Maiathas from them. The work of the Quarter-Master-General or Biniwala
was performed in the MughaJ army by an officer called Mir Manzil. The
Marathi translation of the word is Senfidhurandhar, a title found conferred
on the Bhonsales of Nagpur. Biniwala is an assistant of Sarkhail (Adjutant-
General) and the whole establishment of the Sarkhail includes one waqia
gujdr, a ndzar, and hdfiz, which names are also not found in Irvine’s work.
Nor are they found in any other Marathi document. We do not know whence
Madhavrao Mun^i has copied these names of officers, for we cannot imagine
his coining new terms for officers performing various duties in any army.
Sarkhail is a title found attached to the house of Angrfe who were admirals
of the Maratha navy. The general arrangement of this document is, how-
ever, definitely modelled after some English work as the word ‘ book of army
regulations ’ is found directly used in the document. The English words used
in the treatment of the subject are regiment, squadron, line, square, troop,
battalion, pioneer.
Pratapsknha’s research attitude is found exemplified in these brochures
also. The document begins with the Hindu arrangement with its Sanskrit
nomenclature, then proceeds on to the Muslim system and fully blossoms into
the Anglo-Maratha system at the end. Even in the treatment the compara-
tive method is found followed at places. Thus in deciding the proper selec-
tion of a site for a camp and the correct arrangement of such a camp to meet
all occasions, the Greek (Unani), the Spartan (Lacedaemonian) the Byzantine
(ancient Rumi) and the Turkish (current Rumi) as well as the English modes
are compared, and it does not seem from the nomenclature that the whirle of
it was copied from some English work. A Persian Munshi seems to be assist-
ing ip the work, giving details from Muslim sources. The usages of the
Maiatha Court are also incorporated in the treatment.
60 T. S. SHEJWALKAR <
In tHe'same bundle (rumal Ko, 4) of the Parasnis Collection found
the fruits of researches in the ancient Hindu mode of warfare indulged in by
this versatile king. He questioned and cross-questioned the iSastris at his court
about the various battle formations of the Hindu kings in ancient times. The
names of the ^stris are : — 1. Dasacarya, a pupil of Raghavacarya, 2. Anyaba
fiastri Itedharkar, 3. Krsna Sastil Paipdit, 4. Nana P&thak Ninhikar, 5. Raoji
Joshi Vavikar, |6. Narayana^astrl Vyasa, 7. Yajfiesvara Joshi PSvaskar, 8.
Sivananda iSastri, 9. Suka^stri Vyasa, 10. Purusdttambhat Mate. On a paper
dated 7th July 1830, they certify the correctness of the various battle arrange-
ments {vyuhas) quoting from various standard Sanskrit works. The works
mentioned are i—l. Vimmitrodaya, 2. Pmdsara Mddhava, 3. Nltisdra, 4.
VarSh€tsamhitd, 5. Agni Pur aria, 6. Rdjadharma, 7. Nltimanjmi and 8.
Rdjako$a.
The most curious thing in the bundle is the exact representation of various
vyukas on paper, cut according to their shapes. The representations of the
following vyuhas are found in the bundle : — 1. Cakra, 2. Vajra, 3. Khalaka,
4. i^akata, 5. Suci, 6. Mala^ 7. Sarpa, 8. Simha, 9. Makara, 10. Padma and
11. iSyena. In the complete list of vyuhas are also found : — 1. Balaka, 2. Ga-
rtwja, 3. Kraufica, 4. Sarvatobhadra, 5. Agni, 6. Ardhacandra, 8. Kaka, and
9. Pada. The Sanskrit verses defining these battle-plans are copied on the
left hand upper comer and in the right had upper comer is given the Marathi
(and in one place Persian) translation of those verses in Modi script. For
filling in the formations, impressions of the various kinds of troops etc. have
been stamped in ink to give them the proper shafx? of a serpent, a needle, a
lotus and so on. These impressions are, however, of the British and Sepoy
soldiers of 1830 with guns drawn by bullocks, soldiers with bayonets and Euro-
pean hats, etc. A paper showing us how to combat one vyuha by opposing
it by its counter-vyw/tfl is also found amongst the papers. Side by side in the
same bundle are found the modem European plans of battles, siege methods
to be used against forts, etc. copied in Marathi presumably from some English
work.
The last, but not the least curious thing found in the bundle is an esti-
mate of expenditure dated 1830 necessary for forming a battalion of women
troops.
Tliese documents from the court of an intelligent, ambitious and progres-
sive Indian prince in the second quarter of the nineteenth century show us the
direction along which the progress of India would have proceeded, but for the
introduction of the English system of education based on the ideas of
Macaulay. The fusion of Hindu and Muslim cultures had already advanced
to the farthest point then, and the remodelling of that combined culture by
throwing in a third current would have produced an amalgam as useful and
as unbreakable as the amalgam of five metals used in India from ancient times
to cast a thing for permanent use,
«W5T ?KPit WRfwi fel^wiifiNl Jirt*r
«Sf ^rsira 5^ sraFi aril ?ft ^ ^ aw^ aftsrai
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ajftRt ar# qi 2 ^ awRftn qi% antaf gi fqr anitsr^l^jra
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62
T. S. SHEJWALKAR
^ f ^ ^ fflWRP: sr #T snn^Rm f ^
S’fWR ^ R^ri i gS’^K sr teiMRf *1^ f^RnoT «*iw ♦soia
sre^i ^itm ^ J5»RT 5ftr ^ ^ ^n snpt^ >^^NR?r
<E?5r SROT '^ 5 1 ^ 1^ ^ a?^ ^or k^ cPiR 3n%. Rirar ^ ’4'^N^
*wiir: ^ g^R ^ ^ g»nT ^rerm ®ira
H^raRT fit, f??r% f^rNtJi ^fr sr^t^fdfn ^ 8?i«ft
^ srai5t fqi% I^TIfftfl ^ tt%. ®rFlt =5aiR ®R*RR RII% HfjraRSt qtsftff
?t%%--
jpnr *n5t 5if^ 3i«r^ ^ at#^ w^ S^bw ^
g^ps^ 3jrT% #E ^«ii^ TOOT sipHOT «i^»ra ?n^. Rnoft
fWBRicT ^ ^ f=^ apR g^nr ^ Rrrtt ^sr^nM ^ hji
5tf^ RH ai«^^ 'Ml^. flRcSH
sifsrc Jiorit 3TOr ^?r: a?^ f#! arrr^ arR?B>irtt% amr ;t^
Tlf^r 5^ 3ft gf tqi ^ sum ai^ %«ft3 qi®ft ^ 5 WI anoft *n>ft TO
amr ari^t apR ai^o? ait^j ^ 315555
>Tt%55 ^ 5nin%, aiMt fR^fspfr ar^ ^ fi*n*f ^tkrrt
OT 5 ^ "^tar prft^
^ 5n5t3f ’iRt ^ "^tar an% 5wt ?:?ici ^t«Ri% itfT anif jRSRiifi sBWt
3«l?^ ?t ^ aM i^^t^ ^TOf. cTOi^ aiTRraifT ^ ?lN«5aira
cTOT fR^asirolt PR «BfI% aPR % RRP aRI5TO fTOft OT5 ?n^.
ipit % fRSBRIfr ar^ TRTO ^R^lfltfS.
^ fcftajTOi jpot 5 r^r^ 3TBI[ RRiasRT an 5 qr ^ f R frot >?nt ar
g^WRi arsunR l^rroar ^ armr g ^ m4t ^nji^ snt. % ^ srs
^Ttaf5 3T5!Rlt. apoft ^ ^ TO an^&fs %% 5T%^ ^ st^ % ^ ^
^ ^ an%. an«ft g^ 'rtarfrofr? 3!55tl|^ ^ ^arpft ? •Itaf
afRRRTOT aro sr 5RSTO fl#t fft: —
1 3fRraan% ajnror api? «ii«ft apRJira ft 'iMt <^1%% aipt
**n%. 3TRft ^ sijoram 3rr«ft uri qfi^. w % €Wt n(t*r
gf^ ^ ^ PJ ^ RlHt m ’P^fTt RIRt ft^ TOI% 55Ft^. fTO
«w ^ ^er 85^ TOi%. 'rtg ^ =^Wt 3Rt airq^^R^ spr
* tr% atro ^ i^. ^ «%<t^ %5r aT%55 frot^ arror atraro
^ aen >n^ g^ 3ti55t ar^ cJtr to% ^wwi’ft ai^, ^iRwaft,
TRTOITO ^ atm anr TOfft 3t%3 anqfsr ^Rf ft ^ w r a r atgi t
i^gfi g<ll»i %OT *^latff arot araaRtr ai^ fRtfRit froflt ^l3*n atRm
jpit cTOt an# firaw(% ^OT ^iap#t gifsaw "ft^ PtHt TOfft
__ yv rv
A MARATHA CHIEF’S INTERESt IN AKCIENt AND MOMRN WARFARE ^
^ 3nnr ^ niw ^ riurI^t
^5"fi ^ snoft (inf arojiRT. «ng&
^nsraPEft ^ #ra jifU?! irupnlwi jiirt ^ st ^ eqi% ainw
jJ'fcWiH PH JiRNt ww H 8iR% 'IrJWI' hih^ Hifrar.
•SR ^ sraFHRi % *im(t 1^ ^PFM ^55 ^
ascsGST ^ 1^ «n%. ^R5t^ srredt %?: an^ 5i<t
3F«l% PH aiRH S^RPT ^ p y ja i ^H H f tl l tftg
aftjRf aTTOJH ^swfnp i^ Hi^RfrP 5«H^tra ^ ^ qt3
HiHft ^ 81^ %pngi: 55^^ S^bw^h: '=iR5te[ anq^r snrsRft
5m P^HIPHP 51 ?H q)5t ppi^ H HWpi ?FWN
'rT?RT 5n5i.
^ ^RTTO?! ’ll® gq5?^ ^3^ %«lr ara^ Pira ap^l
^ rrhrt toh^ ^Wt awHi sp-fsra 5 t 5B|oit %ptoi Emd
cSt^qi aiiqi aij| 4i«fl^Ki5ft an'T'iHi B*nni%pn^ ssifR ^mhi araFHRi
3^5irft ^ aPK qRqcH ^ % «B5T ?n^.
#®ft ftwit apH PRia^ JHop aiFt qi^sH %551 aiPFqRi gd H^aSpKRi q;E5I
PH^r amjsr ani a?^ an^qra ^ phwi ai^g piw assssi qwqpi
1 5?mn^ ^ ara^ ^ ai^ lEvr Rqlq^p
>, '^ar^ srafw:, ^ aroHiP, Pn# ^
irtaqait q>q5i 5^aii% *noi% inqfiiiftqR qi^ ^Sfgsr iqiift.
aiMt % 5EPf ^ qjftrrrH q pnqt qra ant q qte q^FiRR:
^TOTirr qi^ g^t aipfr qraipTH qmsqp Iwqit ^spiRqii
an%. Pipft qq# %<tai aivftq; arq^i 5|% nisSH aisaatw pii%
»TR, Sira, araftqsioT, q*^ =lfE?[t qaqq't. antw qpjSt nprt 4l^
%ftai iq;^ i!3; qtq. Pim a^ft npftq ^ ap; ^:q;c gj^ ^PRfq qi^lft
cfO' qan an|55. aiqqr piHt tapf g^itq Pits aiR; ts
?n%. qi^ 5rtt 35 N q^ atwa fti^q ^ 5i%. qRw qi^q^e amr #t
5n5H JiqR% tq qq5r qicpft q(tnr apFcnn q qqi%r qteqft% ai^t
enter qsnq piw ar pn ^n 3r*H ftew^q fifeqr gpw i aiqoi) qpq q^r.
ggf sm^ qrttq: Pneft ar^ ?ip>tq ?isi^.
^ gqwrqc %t anpnqep: anNt ^picmpsft snni att ar^ ^
qR pro qn^. arnfr anqasi^ ainqrq^fe %=qiq ant ^ q *ftoi
an% qittq. 1 5 ^ eNph qppH q^tm CTfl% qi^ q^ ^qisft qqq, qqq
g T » sftgw qm ?n^ 15 ®!^ %
^ a«i| q^)qr amm tt %qf5 ni^iiq qjgqrft® qmqiq
^iwr qrl^raRT ar^ qnS. qiqqq q:^ q^Pit sint. % qisSt fiPftqift qi®ft
64
t. S. SHEjWALKAft
*1^ *»HI' 5>t^, 5J5pE^
«ir"re<t?ir ^ snt, ^ ^ snqU juto^
ei«r!rr %«ft55sr ^mi *m^ stjr ar^ ^^raar sin ^Jt
3n*?% 5R^ 5i^r iRT 5T ^ l?f% HtsinnJi# ^ ^3?r
sfiBjn asrg^n ^y>*T ^n%. 3 Pfc
anw?: *nsFn 5«s%in^3f sipii sTRc^t sprrat
3Trf®t ww "bi^ 'hi'tii sii^nRf
^ %c5 3l^a si«Rra % 3^: 31% ^OIR niflRT. 3RIt iTt^% 3TN%
a?^^r snar % ^qf^t 3?ff nJiid sre^r ?re#ai% fiiwqi%
31% Hfi? fjn »nw %rt|*T aT«r^ ^ ^ me arouft
vrSt qJft g^%% jRTtr ^ 1 %. 4? sRjf a^^ anfoi^JiPRR *n5r
l%5(t^catr^ 5 ^ 1 % in^. ?Jii5r a^ara 3 t*r %nrnft%
f^ii 1 ^ 31% ?JiHr %s ^ ^ ^ qrart ^efta.
^ ant. ^ ^ni ^iJRiat^
aa^ (%jftnr5ni%t l^ma nt^t ant aT% ^natn a^^aa an^r anr Tin
3nn% 5 ?nnrma aprftffta. q^i ^sftnrar nit aj?R ^wif^l ftB^qsqt^
mala ^adta ^ qsn an, %t %ri»ft ^aiar snt ?ai% 3nq% 51 %t
q>at^a a^nra t
1 a« 5 i| ^w: 3 i%a # aaaiai. g;?%t aiaai nf#a lt%q a
tai #T ntaqt snat cnitr pr% aa itna <nR ant ana tnia
3 Rtg% ^ 3 ia ar>t.amffta. car nta a^?a ainai a^a.
^ Mt^Rsiai araiat 3T% 5iaiant«^f qii^itasfHi’ 5iW5rar * 5 nratcT.
t#na ^arai t aia; 3nt. faia pn% a afe?t a% aasaa
atar itaaR aitt. nRaa ^aiar #3m ^ piJc nifa ntaiai.
3 ^laiai ina g? 3 ci ami^. anat itaSmt 5R?Rqna 5F%a
ait J^at aaPRai laaR arfa a)^ aRaara.
<f ^Tjftaiai ni% ar^T? sfjtiw ^r n;qi ait^ sro%
f 5 ii%ani t#r «niata ansai fnintt aanra pii% aaRa gat.
M ^aiai ni% ^ g glares att ai^a annt 5i(Ria %t 5iat ant %t
anat ^aitta en^ aait tait^.
*; faalaTai ait si^irer q>R saiai. ^a siRaRi %a 35 %
3nqt aiJaia^ qnt 3TRq%t aw^nra ftait, nig n%t a|a piR aiaa ant.
aRn ata qiat^ §?a7 antt at^sgi?, n5pn,gJtNi3iwrra
gt5f 3nt.
V* Itttaiai aia t t T 4t»i Rg ^taw sRtn^ aitaiat aita
aitt ^wia itgcai ai«* it «ft . ^ ancaRi anat a aaiiRt g^aRa
tianits 8i%g t
ttamt anntt l^nat a^nat.
A MARATHA CHIEF’S INTElffiST IN ANCIENT AND MODERN WARFARE 65
c sro qpi^ awRft?i Hn»ft 3nwi gfn
pHisrapi iTpftH siwT. craw m wn
^ f^row: ante!, ^ wn?r sm am fCHR
anil 5rtt pRRi ft*ftniHr ^ta. ntj lNn?ft 911 % gwid ainc
%F*nH pro Ilw9i an^ ?i^ fft®.
^ «iRijra »i% an^. 5i:«ftH ar#n#«iT% a n g n w-^ i
35315 5 ^ an? nil htori jma
cOTior ar anarefn ^ anwmM f%#n% aunts
aftett ^ca^ SI ^ fen# ««Kra ai^ ^Raftrftst. m ai®# HOBH
^ 5ivwt ^ ^ wnw ^ ^ ^i^ciaim 3ifer
mi^ftS! clt#t ^55. ^ fet|% nlftOl ^ ijOJRC RUftfl. ^Ror
^51^ nmr a#, an^ft %% a#w ai^iM'C arts airaa;
5 5F^ n isn%i|j»a : {ai4t q |{««i<ii »n5?r
10 §r«l' «ft5^ 'stai a!?mn% ^ #3 aiRft^ an?! sn^.
feftartHi 31^ %RT ^^#55. ^ an^ {juaml
feffe%3 an# g^O 3n4 It # ninw 3i#t^ ni# gnt
3T%3 %rRftH
1 1 sn^ ^ gorand ai#.
q«i33Ri t^ai atF3Hni: ^ aiiftm ^5Bt% amanraRi aranm.
% na:^ <^31 airan ^ nt an# sbw asssi feni nn Fnnt nr g n w R
^3tft3 ^ nnn 3t«icir qifn 53 % 53h ami an^ I3;ft3i% a#
53131 33t3^51 ^B3 35R: 35531# aqsR: t[5ft3. 53q5t g?53rft 531313% ant,
qtg 1313% 35: 3m am^niH ?H3Rm feieft %F3r %%3 33 # 33 3 %.
IH. ^vesm^ 55135313 f35ft3I% 3T3 ^131% 3^1% 31^^ % 53#
3T 313151 #T 331% # 3IEl% %3m 333551 %3 %3 fen? 531 3# 5nn)#3
33131. 3R3 55535% %3 33151 31^ % 3tai«3I3ft5ir 3333 33 55135#,
53ig% 313 ^151533 flsm 531 3)3t% 551113 55nR %%t 8n35{t 355ft 3Sfeft55.
3T5513 H 33t355T a# 5^131. |333I3# 153# (51313# 3#3 33151 3
ai#5n am%% 3121331 #53151 % (^3?# ^ agcoftcSi^i 3#. Jl#
% 55531513 arS 3^ 3#53 35(^5#.
1^. H53tFt >fel 535153(51 31331 515?^ 3%55 3(5551315 3T% 513313 3151 3151511
1^ 3133%lg% 55535% Ht3151 felfftxft *1531 9PI%. 3I55I3 (##531%
%3t5I 313315(51 3(3(3 %315( %3 333313# 81#3 %31%. 3n<>(t 33151 HI*H(55
53151 %3m »nm mm ## ai#. an# i 5i5 3 i%i f t 3 %3i5
3 % ll 3l ( % 5 n qnniRRl 3#3 35#. %% 5131% 3^35d 513153151 533 %(%55
1(315 3#. 515 #5 3^1% % WI5(t55 531##% 31%3 3551%. 51531%31313n
5i%3 f^rnt 3%% am# 3n# mu 3(3151 st3rtt %((ai (#(1 3 # ai%
an%, 51% %3 I %3 1 # 3g% 5153151^ #gm 3«l^ % #ar ^ 53T113I.
BflXETlN D. C. R. I.' VOL. IV.
66
T. S. SHEJWALKAR
IV. smi 8 ?t 3n|. c*>r #rtt
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tKlai n|a aTf|?l. q^ fe?l% fjjqsoqn^ql SIUKI 5lI5{t
aita. fitii 5 % gii % 51 % ‘i's^» fEai^ ai^iroq gntt.
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g^?nn ^ ant art ^r^nt.
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q^tf siRST 5 r: TO?f ar^q: wian.
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tfqn aqanft qq^ft aranr^ sfieftn arnq ihr^ qit>.
c ijTfgrt q^ ant t q q^ q(fq hrt, tqi, ntq, 5it^,
#R, w^, q?ir, qia:, q=qf, ^gqi q ^r anft^, ma ( 55 )
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qrl|%.
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^ ^ ^ ft4^q i g | qi gwtina: ant- TOfanln
aqrft ft^ftqra, «Ht a»ft^t qJt? qilt> ppftqi^ qjafq;^ tefta,
68
T. S. SHEJWALKAR
cJirar intf? ^ «a^5ER sbt^ siraasi, ?iHf ^
I# 59 ^ jpa «raj%, ^TOo^lRft® ^?ft55 3?n 571 "bWI-^
are^, ?jn J 2 II TiRRraft anfft®.
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ami ^51 TRsa; ji^. ^pmi *n5i arai ^i aw^
fam*^ fiiait qissH 8 it<irai%. arw^ ail^ imm ang si^.
w®r d 5Bm^ ^ ^ fsuftaiRiait
camra ?iHt TOai%. ^tmi ^ aragami t ^afta i a i aiFtfei.
>f 5It^ ^ g»s«nsft I^^^q i g qr ^ 311#:
^ fipftarar amu qi?«mi ^*ng& an#, lara iai% #?ia#^ ?aR a
a amaiR a^i^ aiga; ara#, a# ami^ai ^ fen ani lai #1
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ai^ 3nf?ami, ^RaRKW am 711#. TRajRigft a
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fe#amr an# anaaiaife# afjq^an famquna aiaai#.
v» feaflarai ana aianc a ai% gaa a ii#at ai# anaaiai# ami ^ an#.
< ## ?RaR pawR^ siTaRiga g% anasi amai iai5t a^# fep
aisai# # gaaia a ana^aia aim fe# a am§i?ai amai# ## ^
ai# ae^, aitf# amM aafta; fe%, 51 m, aiat# fe# armi^
a waaia sria mf^i^ a gamnai aa#5aR aeji g^iaiaR a
«B# a ataia asn fea# aa^ #a a eiaaa ia#aiar ana fefa
aisa#. tai aasERiadm feaftaiar amB#a ^wor: aiaiai.
y ^Riiansst ?n# aFtmi aimf 7 ^
1 aait# #«5aia< gaa a^aRia#*R aia#
^ ^aia# aimlaa 7a# w5ia aia#
^ ai^ ai# ^ ana^an anaiaa aiaiaan# ^ aro#
V jan# aarai#! arai%.
P t 4t< n gi fRiWTRft *5^ ^ ^ araiaan# % ?ai#
5 ^ # j^aftamn SR#?5 ^ 7Ri% aita ^asa aia *# awaiw an#ami
W«lWl^l ^TR
1 a^i7 a#a# ara ( ? ) a#a a#B ^ #a
1 1 1
A MARATHA CHIEF’S INTEREST IN ANCIENT AND M01£RN WARFARE 69
^ ^ «3iR giJtsr ant awn%.
cmlte: —
^ 53trtt srti
«iRi^ ^ 53irft ail
^ qR^ ( Pioneer ) ^ ^ q q fiat q
V ^
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I- =
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slu qiq fsiR aTOi% qifq 3i*ftq -^areft 8W?qra Ri
HRlt 5iqraR5t arsRft 551 %. «Flft SRRqra qt% HRlt ^ TO%.
% 5fnn g^HFB ^rrarat
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arqi^ tqiq ai^fi ensiq gai srai^ sRlt q^tsft gqfirtt ai^ enfe qtg
Ri^H mqq«HC qw qjR[ qqq sreifiiSfg^ q^t. t hwr
qrqq55 q qtqa q qqitfft- qiq ant ?iqq *rai^-
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q qHt
V qjoft fig55 ^ ?ftq q}#t arait. qqHlq tq ^ sra% ertt q?(lf amt
^ qtt qpft qin% arait q q iuftq i tft qmi ansqoNt sranlt. arq^s erai%,
H^qwr^ft Htq aroi^ jqq^ qpn% ^iqRi q^ aiqqor qqwR nn^.
% w anqqiqr aq# aronr, araara araii^ ^ q qimqiqr q^>t qtaw
qt^ airait.
\» qq qgq qa^Rq^Jt 3iq»^ aim jJtawt eft qra^Ht apn qiqq araieft.
q qraqa ^II5Sq^ qqw qai^ q W>ltH enqiilt^ qwft q ftgTJftw efjq
31% aiHlt.
c %% 3eR%i aroni 5i|w #q ( ? ) an^a^rtt anq^ni ffsqrqi qaiq "qiqi
anft aipn aroi^.
ga 31% ant, ^nwR Ri%t < n wF ft awr eart
3cR%, cqr^qft #% ^ Jtar aq gqqrsq? 5!R^
qinqqq 3cR acqtn^ 3naqi-t«qNt #q qt, ai%t atpir araHt.
T. S. SHEJWALKAR
i«» st^ *Pi5ra ^ 3?ra% ^ «bk
11 ?R(t?5 sRiR 2n^3r, 5imr 35R3t€, #«Rjf
ST#? «<Mi« 5«*(Fftrr ^ ^pn% It 3T3i^ t^tii 3ttt.
«35[^g «ESwati^^ •trsn: arerat.
1^ SRtRfts ^ ?q|6t szir ^ 3iT?Rr^
3T^ s^mit are^ra ^ g^wt^stpintr^
*n#Tnr(t ?RwnFft^ ^ gsn ?jwi ^
^#iT?«n?t ^ Jti^qRt wmr^
sn ( 3^^ )
g^rort siiwira ^ srrwn^ l^[sreit sna^r, i^r^trir
1 ^ siTO, 'noft 5i^l^ qiit5t?f snSt t
p*n% ^ 1^ 3n^ snrt sirt^^ ^ 3n% ctft *n»fte
^ *tFE5 ^ StFt r!(t 3n%.
?n«t, 5^ ^ 3n%, w arig^ sr^sjrji in^t %.
1 go^t ^t^iiR: ar^ ^ f ^ 5|mw ?ri?^55T€ itf?!, tJjHt srraR '
2iRt, f3n ^1% g^wRt stFRit^ TO q-»i^ q:5(t 51 % TOqr ?iHt
fliftfr 5^. ^mK 3it% TOwnrfi^ #ii%, ^ «im. t5i h\
g^55 ^n^it f%%ISl TOt ?JFII5 !t^t^ ?JTIt. ^ fqrot %3K!T ?
5[r^ «ti% ®ri®ft g^ ^jftror to? %3;jr f?t^
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^ %55 to ^ 5rt^ I55f ft, Rq^Rft ^ 3n%,
t f^ft ^ 3iTO^ srdiR sTWJft.
V ?TO 55^^ 3tgjtRi% ami^.
^ fT55 ft^tmro ?nn»i% arot^. ?rR5t w^RiRf^s w ?rto
% ifJiR:^ 3Rn%.
% anTOT ?nt iTORi5TO>^ ^ 3t?njfl[ piR §^
3T?n€. J5«i% 3nq55i% em5ft% snwiRr arstror wtite. trot
( mm ^ i*t3fl5 5501 % 5<mdt. )
ftTOKK^ sr ^ q)3Ri ^ 33n% 5*n% arai%. %% arot ant.
vs 5ir^ <F^qclT ^ r^t^R ?iq#®t—
1 arm ans^t qintt. an# 55^ 35R5Nt tnifNt armt 5
anm ^ afnrt, tit# atsi^ ^ ant; #
A MARATHA CHIEF’S INTEREST IN ANCIENT AND MOMRN WARFARE 71
^ *tpii ^ ^q«sn*ti
f mUK f WRR gcR3t% %\ j^St
c*IT% 55 ^ g^htK "Kltft. Hl=*n ^K^sllwllrfttS Wo5
3Rn%.
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5ft<TO l^<t>i'd>, ^1^4) ^<1^ S®TI 3T?H%.
X ^ %3?r: aiHcncT, cir^ hi^i^ »rr^ ariq^ 3n*n r
^ ? 3n?R5^% t=qicft3 ? Ricfta sirni hto «Ksn4t.
<Tmr #i^Rr 3n*n 3iiq55i% ^ %fT anrarcT;
^ qi4t 5 ^ sra^RiH ^ ^ti% RHRfra ?n®ft tiwr^
JEfR &Ri%. ^r:<ii qMt ji^%, at 314141 31 ^; hw 3
'Tl'>fl3t% SIRT 4N5t ^ ^ 3 ^.
V 3Rj5t^ 3T5RIF RIH 3*1% 5n>qm StldH in»ft %
55^5^1% 3q4l3Ri 3iH% ^ 3 3raira% qi5n%, j?oi% c3i3 131 ^
ft'hli R®ii(\'t> 3TO413TO "wAcI. <aid'i'S 3?l^ iMt
^ ^3R: fent HRFlir aWdRT % =#I^H FlMl 1^3 3^
1R*n4t 3 31313^ 3^^ ^wm c3l%
^ 3113131 3131% 333^ %3R 311%; %3 3121% 3131% 31^33I4t 3131%;
%3 gj^r i%ift3R5f ^ 3155 %aC3 ^ifcS cRR 3^3^ '31%. SBRW
3J%% 31^ 3355 53 % 3353 31^331? 313% i%5515313, 3-1^ P%
3331%, 55^1 3(13?: 31%% 31^41 3355 313 1331% 31^331? %?41
31? %3I%. 34131% 3%% 5551^3 3121% 4133 31^3, 311 (15133
srrsRl 1i?%, 331 %?3I3 3I3Tt3 'W? 113%.
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533 31% 1»K<sllWfl1i%<A 335% §31 3T3l(l55 3#3I3 ft%l3153I3
53%? ^3%.
c 533 31% g%3 g^l%l 5331 gw? 11?®3I3 STRTHI ?5aT %331
^ 3Tl| I 3I?RT 53% 3 ?33 313551 31?I31. ^l3 3l3 ^ 3t^
335313 f%53 31%. d lH ^ Hl 3 01% 315313 3T3351 3T%55 % 1331%
%553I? 3 1 513if3 413 153fl3 53%. 333% 35^ 1>t41, 313 3153131%
3131% 1531 83% ^fe31 5511R t 'n?5%, ^^1^ 303313131 wt 3»i
41E; W4l3 5313^ 33%3, ai3%l 312 55I?13, ?3I%3 %% 3T3?rT
53l(l3 5?^ 81% 83|, 3(1 c3I 531 3i31i(l3RI 83313 ?WII,
f%313 3Tl|l% I 835131313 5fl3?fil 5331 %?[l4l55 ?553r01%l
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41 % 5C3R, 313 gHHPlNl, f%41lI551 313 3^13141, % 3f«Rra
72
t. S. SHEJWALKAR
(sn Stii. 3 «Rtw !3»Fm%
^ ?*icT •lire ^ 5T snsr, <i 45T, <?rs, *rrnn ^
eitft 315=^ g^, «St a?^, ? 2 nt 5 » to, a^w, 3^
'irae;® feft ^ ^raisRpar arswra ar^, f^ir 5tii
«i5!w in %^ 511^ ^ ^ ?!ii t*rT 4>w<ii<i4>% ^ ^R^Kfs^ ir4Ni5Jjr-
snsqr. ?rai 'w ? ^ ( Line ) ’ansroi
•rat®. !TO®r iro® 3 ’rpi ^ ^ sra.
\ ^ l®^i(^iJi*ti'i> 3n% «<«fcKwiO g^ garora 3#i;
siFSH •JtpoiR: ®Ri i^^RraiJn
3 ^ aqrtt 55J^ ^ ai3Rn^ Mtarrar ^n^r si® sr
tSR ^ f^%, ans^® ®^tra awit erai^
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3 r: ®iR«St^i®, 5 tt®. iri^ 3R® qjR^ ararat.
h\ ^ ^ ®ii anl
1 » ®?tf ?3it ^ anicf. qi® arpira? ^ fi3® 5?mi% ant
anoft =51^, 3«ft® ciai% anrarar ^ ®rai^ ^ira s
3 ^ 511% s 5sra% ct®n% an% ^ ^
'rtg »i«n®i% g®^ s raft® %ira: ^ rarar Wr an| frtt, ®hi
sqrafti ra^. [ anra <®^t5ft|ra% an^ era® 3 n% ai®®T eft
anra ^ ®ft® ® *TFft ratra ^€® raraftc® 3 ^ ^?ft 3 ^ f^?ft
armrft fra gasuft raranf^ % g® ra®*ft3® ^rai% p® raa® rara
rasasr ® 3 ? gii %ii anra s ra«ft ra%t rafiift araip fra aff®
5 ®% ftsfft f® SB?® %%, grarra® an®.] nasrft anraHt ®
?®ra%t ®tsBfft SB?® ®i®% *raR!%t fiar%t® raf® fra %rai% ^ e®i
®®®R t % 5n%.
1 g?®ira If® a^sB (tra f®i®r f%jftra®r ®i® an®! J 501 ® f®Wt
git® grawpsft ®ira rara^ fft ai^. ^rai ra®®i sBtn®r fra%
ai®®!® fft® «bI®® 4® ra 5 i%. raj, #®, ra®r, ®^, to®,
fi®i® anra ®traft sBtn^ rara ®rai ar?® ®f#®i®
rara. % g?ra® rararor graf® sbto %fft® %% gram ranra
%M ®ii ini an%. 3 «®t 41% g®rara fra%t rafnft ® ®sit
%!Wt ® ®?®ft®Rf ® ft^sftra®! ra® ®i® ®i^ ami%. ®i«ra®
8 ®i^ 3 ini«® ®%. ®t®re an®i ar®?® 3 ®®®®® sug® # ra®,
®?prft ® TFft ®%% f[%rara% pi® gn% 3 «ff ®®i® ^®; %
awfrara 3 ran® ai% aift® ® ^ 3 ®n® % rail ^ 3 ®^ fft®ra
rarara ®*iHt ®i^ ®®ft raft®.
A MARATHA chief's INTtREST IN AKCIENT AND MOMRN WARFARE W
< finfhsnai 3 iri sreRi!
1 SR5 %3?r (5tsn% ifsfi Ri3i% 9rai%.
^ angjiRi^ r^ araNt.
^ R^ aWi ^Wt 3?WRft«5
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5RRft55RI R;«I^55.
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arai R^R5R «^R R# % RR^; Rtg 3RIR RRIRl | RiR%,
WT^ RI^ ai^ RIRI%. RR cRIR =Rt# R RRcRIR PlRI
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% RI«# aRRIRf '#51 ;-
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sr^5I Htr RRI^t % RRR ^^[551%.
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RiRC anft. % WRKiR wficft**.
BULLETIN b. C, ft. 1. VOL* IV.
10
74
t, S, SHftJWAUtAlt
1 stniiftHt fiT^wra awn^ *n% angjw ^
arai%, ^W? T^55r ^ HW:-
1 qw<?«6% ^ (t^*ftara 3cri»l^r aiM g4t^ dW *raNt
arai4t, cTOT ^ vmrsm ^ sn^an. eirift {angrfla afmi^JT
qnStai^ *l*ff aian^ apftai STOl^t, ail ?»n ^ (^aw j fe pg ^
^qaftar ^ <ioo ^ll *5«I 8TO-
5aTO |5r# arpir 5!FRft enoft ?air snaanaR sRft^ tqaft% fifeqr
^raarr ^ #r «aiim apreiRr.
Sll i|aB iqaft '»’> 8Rr% ^ <^W5£t« <aira irac atacj^
*an% 55iaRiRI ^ PIT (JarteRT aiian ?[aRiaft 'i^'A
*ian^ 5!I*Rft.
X Sll siai^i^ q552oiRt acRoRj grpn ^
anas stiff ^ qazsiqi^ qaCTis araa: ^o
fiMn ^i5fts fE^ arm 3RR srsi^.
■«■ PIT? PERffl { Squadron ) ersc^tans PITS 3S?5ls snan ?^Tfft
1?® atqi^ffts aiar anoft s?ft%« daraftais srs^sr 3i?(? i®® 11*1?
aiair% 3TSi%. ?5l?5i i?oi% ^ g?qi% ( Troops ) at^ ?*nai
3TSSI S?, 3?qTS ^ ?qT? aran: ^ ?qR arScITS.
^ s*n% wii«fT% ^is 3 ?r51s anan, Hts q;?s anfts 5saTcft.
w<fiqi^<ri ^^Tirarq^ sifT? efts q^s ^ efts qs^n^i
ai’jftq; arraiT si«i#ns stst%,
^ ^ ^ fifeST efts qvft% 3eTa[PllS ^ SeftqiSTs q«fts aieT?
'A®® qis^ arsnsT aisisr.
? #ft ^Wfa^ SeTS% :-
1 Sll er=?T gs?5t M s«ai asaft ts gi^ajiST.
1 eftaRagHT I eft^ ST^ SRP qf^tST^ anSR.
1 STSISSiat pn?.
^ poft eI=5T.
\ Sll ^Saft iiR:-
1 3eT?5teT sfs acps 3eTS%. eft 'llai ajgcf S)E;;r ^ aiaft^
3S?Ht. PiR, 3iT(9r ftajs ( Dragoon ) aji sisrif «T? pn q5ft%
sapi an^ an<8t qpip piT aRft% S^apsaft gspllel. %«gw{ t
^ efts ^ SR si4tai4t ( Bodyguard ) sraft fts
ft? SS S^ ^ ar5ft%|^ ^ S?Reftp. an ^
aft?ft% SIS ft# ( Reserve ) a?# ftrsi^ %ss Jssens.
A MARATHA CHIEF’S INTEREST IN ANCIENT AND MODERN WARFARE 75
1 dl'wawi anft v
si5{t&inr|% ^
^ ^Ri ^ ^renter ^M i aitqwi^ig qwz8t
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•I
1 Haiai
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81^, a% a^ ^ai€t &ii g5ro%. a% ^ Ms, farift |fa eat an ri ^hur
3?ra%. M &iia anaai a aiw ant.
^ aMt ssR% aRi%, ?i M at? an^, a^, Piwils aMt
8ra% aa, anai^ anwra, asia sra a^. aiw Rftar, ai^
76
T. S. SHEJWAUCAR
<n«it srat^. f^RRSt ^
^ iRr 3i^ an«Ri^ «ir^ 5!n%.
3?R?5t2iRf, wn%. <T^, I aTw% <[^ia ^
sisit^^ 3»j4t>ft 8iit, ant a(l awc^
^ a#n t% t wi%. nn qioft a?^.
ami% |i q^.
V aniKi ^ a??? arRSter srai^, aga ft|%
Ira^ 3?Rit. J^oi^ q^Rrer a')2 <ii^. ai^jcf 5i|=qi al^jn
gnar a<t, aw^iai qga qi^. ^«fta tt a?n?t aiadt.
1 a gsTFft ^ asRlat 3[?nj%, gia arar
ananaia ai^R aa^ |tt, qtg | %aa sRRa mtt.
^Ror, »RorR?% t anq^a att^ ^ #55.
a^anara ni% ^lan aitt. q«1t^ a^ nra^ ^lanra
^5a air% afafti <^ 1 %% aalat nRt^r a'^qi ail?
’i a gaialf %^ftaaa ( ans'nfta ) nr aiai%
t agsRiR 3 a?a ?lt a^R§ai%,
^ ai^ a»ft ^ aa^« aa^a
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1 graiftaiarar^ faqil q^ stata aaana.
?, aifta ant an% anai ar aiatar gjia a?aR 3a?aia.
^ an% ant ai^ aarcft,
V ai% a^afeat^acaR aiaa?, tasa a^r aaiaia.
'^ ^ aiar sa^ai ara ^ m. ( square ) ana
ata=^tai^^.
1 enai^la
^ a«aaiat atq^ai, g^a aisgt nna ^ ^
^ hi i%ai RR5%a '^a siaam ^ i^aaia.
V a«t fqnn aig^ %a% ^ aa^aia,
atqs^ai a^a ^ 4l€la, g% la ant
H gft ann ?ft ^a't arafeaia, sftaa ant, anaqra ann atH
ata# ajRft ann att^ ant, an Infta aqnr aa#ar
aitt. a<t, 5ft<RSt aim aiqaia qi%t, Hta^ aim am? ma
A MARATHA CHIEF’S INTEREST IN ANaSNT AND MODERN WARFARE 77
fJira ?rWl5r ^ an^ ai^, ^
qi?pn anoft am scqfNft anm ai#a, ?qr%
w FE a s ^ iT, Eiwcfte ?m anJ^iNV
*R5T «r ^RSRT 3m?n wsroi^i anoft
limft ^ ^ CJRNI I^tst R^w $35R, R 5nRn*t
3^ aril. ,| wiswjicfta gqRhft. 515 % ^irt amqj r^ rri
anqai RRIR RR5t% 5R1%.
^ ?nR5*l55r 80%^ giqas aim aranft. Rn^w, »i()r
R^ RiWia ^RT ?n^ aim aro^ ?rft 1501 % fm^r «w ^rr
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spt. mtR Rn%.
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3nq% ari»qro 3ciwi%. asmiR ftwit cIrri^,
ai^ ant. aFRI ^TIRTORt R ftwSt ftR^ aT?J55tRRI,
RR 3«<:5tvfl *R!Rg 5^R(=^ RI^. <5^ ^
RR<«ngoi 5n% rr^ rt, ?Rift anls ^sgi, ^')Riai RiSt
^11 3rRRT%, ^ R^.
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TOl
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R?I*R amefta Iri%. r^ sRia rir^ ^?R5t srbrrtr.
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^ai«R 8tnin%. anoft f^R?ft jrr ft^tRiai ri^ ri#? ai^^t
araRR 5RIRRR RRR awit. f^aftRR ^ 3tRl% R^t® RIR^IR
RITOR ^iftRiai RFt aftRR RiaROt^^ft RRift RRI ajRI%. %
a?^% RianaR rr^rih atrniRRW rptIr airwRi^. 3 ir% aiaa
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TO^ Iriri. a^wR 8 ^oiTa aftaa to ri^ an^ ^ a^ro
TOartwnrfta gm imftRiai Ria rNV cRwft ^
«I<5RI*% RTS3JR aftaa ^RTRI. RIFERT RI^ RIRR^ R RSTfR Rioft
Ria RiaisRi. ai^ a^^ia q|^ aiR^ 51^ br^r ^iri, ^
^ ^ta ^a% RR% ^Riat rfI am anqtirR «n% S?ri%.
*bl«i*l«iw»^a f^iaa rir« ^rir cRpsft rir ^ cRi an arapNt
T. S. SHEJWALKAR
iRRft «FR®r ^ «n?ft
8J^ 5ft5I?l i^^OIRTO ^11 lIPliRRr gw t # B
iw?{l^% JtRj ^ W *?Fn?Rfiff *1 sr^. «i^®r ?*ifeT cprr dt.
f44)^Mi4>^ *ipi5r ofi^sr ^ 3<i«ia»w ^asr an'rar 3*1-
mwi. ^ 8RI1 «R»nT^ ^n^iT W ^ ftsdt
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srrstRq!^ ^ »nq^r anomiqi. imfirfc ?9 Fe?%
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q qiqqjT a?sR% aiaiKia ^ nr-
qi#q ^ 5^351 «2n%.
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q^«l ai^cn t^iiit ?>it^
ggm%.
^ 5ifEjn gaqqcr wet ^?Jira awr amr
INSI %CiT 315501 1^1351 55^ qiSaCT anoiqot snH. ?TO
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snqoi^ gsiSta qifa ^n^. ^ ^ araar 3qa>i a
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anqmawHK q g#? 2ipft ^q; -er^r ^asr qizasr
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q^ aR?5qiR d^<s(t5 5 iq qm qn^.
[qqqtsq q ^ q qqi#q p>«jft gqwKRftqs Ri^lqqrft qii
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A Maratha chief's interest in ancient and modern Warfare 7d
H gw mm ^
WW WRHRI <IM*M ^ WH Sl^^t ftilWH
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•iHHira f%5iH ^Ei^. cqHt m{t(t ^EPft aiNfr fimw
^ ^ 5&WR^ W5R{t ET^ EIE EIE^E EIWSgsT snE^^ftER
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fE^ EIRI %EIEI. cEIE^ 53^ 'g?! JBE^^t aiR% IE«l% %E!31E?5
^ ?5S# 3I?|% # miE^ %3m 35*5% aiEJ^ EI?^ 3%
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3mr% 3iioft i^R Mere ^ 1 1151 %.
^o he% 55 ^ Ri»ftaw«iff ^ 5 % 3n%5r. m wwid garc r sinw:
H giwtw m wa ft g ERi^ Enta ^qrwi ant. mi^ft m^ft
anE3l ^ 5?ft5f amk Mere eir Msft eee 3r cft% weer
%E»t %E3W 511^ aiiR ?fM El^ IR 5Er%t E3% WEERPft feM
an%E mi %ii fE5%ER!r ei% j^EHt^ 53 % 5 : 0 ^.
A UNIQUE MARATHA MARRIAGE-INVITATION
TO THE DEAD
By
T. S. Shejwalkar
While going through a bundle of miscellaneous letters in the Parasnis
Collection, a curious letter besmeared yellow with turmeric powder came to
our notice. We knew from the colour that it should be a marriage-invita-
tion in the usual form. That it was, no doubt, but it was not addressed to
the living, but to a dead] member of the host’s family. This invitation is
issued by Anandlbm, the Queen Dowager of Sahu II of Siatara, on the occa-
sion of her scm Pratapsinha’s marriage to the sister of Ramachandrarao
Mbhit^, and addressed to (presumably her father-in-law) the late King
Ramiaj& As no sudi invitaticm to -the dead addressed - in writing is found
uptill now, we print it below without comment.^
The invitation (29-11-1821)
( 5 *nW gti wft
ant ^
jfNt %55i ant nff t^n
<nlt^ * dn t
Prince PraCapsinha married two sisters of Ramachandrarao Mohit£ one -
after the other on different occasions, the second marriage taking place only
after the death of the elder sister. The last sentence marked with asterisk
is in the handwriting (modi) of Anandibai alias Maisiaheb.
The date put in pencil at the top seems to be the work of some research
man, possibly R, B. Parasnis or the late curator of the SStStS Museum.
There is no material with us to verify the truth of the same.
The sociological bearing of the letter we are not in a position to decide.
Whether there was a regular custom amongst the MarathS families to issue such
invitations or whether this was an individual case due to special reasons of a per-
sonal nature and whether such a custom holds ground to this day, will have to be
investigated and decided by students of sociology.
CAPTURE OF KENNERY (OR KHANDERI)
ISLAND BY SIVAJI
By
B. K. Apte.
The year 167C witnessed the last naval success acliieved by Sivaji. The dccu-
pation of Klmderi was long coveted by him. In 167? he had to diop the project.
Now he took up an aggressive attitude with better prepaiations.
The military acumen of Sivaji grasped the importance of Khanderi command-
ing a key-position. The island lies in the mouth of Bombay bay. llie movements
ol Jiliips in the Bombay waters can be watched irom the island. Any sliip entering
the Bombay back bay between the present points of Malbar and Kolaba is visible
fiom Khanderi. To the southern side an observer can see the neck-like projection
of Korlai and the Rewadanda fort. Korlai is at a geometrical distance of twelve and
a quarter or half miles from Khanderi. The jutting portion of land between Maza-
gaon and Vihur of the Janjira State hides the historic fort of Janjira. Beyond this
jutting portion of land the vision becomes hazy. The famous fort of Kolaba is
situated at a distance of five and a half miles from Khanderi, in the soutli-cast
diiredion.^ The Nagaon river in the mouth of which Kolaba foit stands, after
taking a north-westerly course meets the sea near Alibag.^*
Khanderi (north latitude IS"* 42' 8" and east longitude 72° 48' 17") is a small
island near the entrance of Bombay harbour, eleven miles south of Bombay and
six miles north-west of Alibag. It lies two and a half miles from the Kolaba main-
land and one and a half miles from its sister island Underi. From Underi it ii*
separated by a channel which can be used only by small coasters. The island which
is one and a half by half a mile broad, is larger and considerably higher than Underi,
rising to the south. The soundings near Kh^deri are very irregular and on tlic
offside a vessel may pass within a quarter mile of the shore in four fathoms at half
tide. Off the north-east of the island, where the boats lie, is a reef dry ai half
tide. It is about five hundred yards from the island, so that there is a good har-
bour between. The whole space between this reef to Underi is foul ground and
impassable to boats of any size.^ The greatest measurements of Khanderi island
are about 1300 feet long by 950 broad. It is formed of two oval-shaped ma.sses of
trap, each about 950 feet long by 450 feet wide, their longer axes being parallel
to each other and lying north-north-east by south-south-west. The higher of the
iwo mounds lies to the eastward and its highest point 100 feet above the liigh waiji
level. The western hill is 70 feet above the mean high water level. The crcn'^
^ Kolaba Fort was built in 1680; Kulabkar Angre by D. G. Dhabu, Chapter
I, p. 4,
Nagaon creek is the present Sakhar-creek.
Bombay Gaz., Kolaba and Janjira, pp. 324-25. History of Khandcn, “ As
early as 1538 A.D. Khanderi has been described! by the Portugese Viceroy. Dorn
Joa da Castro. The next notice has been traced of Khanderi is by Fryer in 1674
A.D. He mentions Hunry and Cunary to the south of Bombay harbour,” The Por-
tuguese it seems left the island as it did not afford good water supply. B. G.
Paranjpe, (English Records on Sivaji.) Part II, letter No. 418.
&2
B. K. Am
of the hill are about 500 feet apart and between is a valley at its highest part
about 18 feet above high water.* **
Politically the whole coast line from Bombay to Banket was strewn with powers
hostile to Siviajl. The Sidi was his natural enemy and possessed Janjira and its
surrounding territory. The English had their stronghold at Bombay and the Portu-
* Bombay Gaz., Kolaba and Janjira, p. 472. The dimensions of Khanderi,
(p. 324) a mile and a half long by half a mile broad, and the dimenrions (p. 472)
1300 feet by 950 feet broad, appear contradictory. The first measurement appears
to be very rough, but the second seems to be nearly correct, because the Govt, of
India Survey meet No. 47 B114 (1 inch = 1 mile) 1927 shows almost the same
measurements.
CAPTURE OF KENNERY (OR KHANDERI) ISLAND BY 5lVAji 83 ,
guese were powerful at Thana and its vicinity and commanded the key>points Reva-
danda and Korlai. The attitude of these Europeans to the Marathas was many
times hostile and sometimes indifferent as the then political situation demanded.
They kept up the balance of their powers by siding with the weak. Especially the
English allowed the Sidi to anchor in their harbour under the garb of neutrality, to
the exasperation of Sivaji. To put a stop to this nefarious practice seizure of
Khanderi was essential.
The trade of Bombay, which was to become an emporium in the immediate
future, was on an increasing scale, and Sivaji wanted to control it for the benefit
of his kingdom.
Thus the capture of Khanderi had a twofold aspect — apolitical and economic. The
latter was the corollary of the former. The universal law that trade can prosper
under the shadow of armed protection was applicable to the times of 8ivaji. Khan-
deri in the hands of Sivaji was a pistol perp^^tiially pointed at the heart of Bombay.
However Sivaji did never ntolest the trade of Bombay as the English were afraid he
would, after the capture of Khanderi. What Sivaji would have done at the most
was to compel the English to enter into a commercial contract profitable to him.
In one of the overtures of the Khanderi treaty, it is stated that the inhabitants of
the Raja’s dominions shall have free ingress to and egress from the dominions of
the English to trade and buy merchandize.
Capture of Khanderi,
As early as 22nd April 1672, it was reported from Surat to Bombay that Sivaji
intended to fortify the island of Khanderi. The factors at Bombay replied tlial
they had no news that Sivaji did intend to build a fort on Khanderi but they would
stop any attempt of that sort.^* The Marathas’ progress in fortifying was very slow
and in September next the fortifications were still incomplete. Tlie English and
Sidi fleets came there in concert and warned the Marathas to stop their work.
Sivaji's admirals Daulat Khan and Mai Nayak, finding themselves oppo.sed to supe-
rior forces, withdrew.®
Seven years later about 27th August 1679 definite intelligence reached Bombay,
that Sivaji intended to fortify the island of Khanderi. Men and material were ready
before hand at Cheul to execute the 'design. The Bombay factories iniormed their
headquarters about it at Surat.”^
On the 2nd September the Bombay factors came to know that men and material
v/ere being transported from Thai to Khanderi by Sivaji’s Ofticers. 'Phis affwted
their interests seriously. Accordingly EnvSign Daniel Hughes was ordered ♦o cruise
between the main base and the island, equipped with three Mbars and six files of
soldiers.® On the 4th inst. he came to an anchor and prevented two enemy boats
going to the island. On the island there were four hundred men or more, and they
had constructed a wall all round the island about a yard high of day and stones.
They had four to six guns mounted in the valley as big as of the English in their
boats. They had also new carriages on the island.®
The Deputy Governor of Bombay wrote Mai Nayak Bhandari to quit the island.
To which a dvi! and humble reply was sent, that it was not possible for him to
quit the island, without the orders from his master to that effect,’® It was argued
that Khanderi belonged to the Bombay island and hence the English were its lawful
® English Records of Sivaji, B. G. Paranjpe, pt. I, letter Nos. 302, 303,
® J. Saikar, Shivaji, third edition, 1929.
• Engfisk Records on Sivaji, B. G. Paranjpe, pt. II, letter No. 364.
* Ibid., letter No. 365. ® Ibid-, letter, No, 370,
Ibid., letter, No. 369.
84
B. K. APTE
owners. It was declared that the island belonged tq the King of Great Britain and
none could attempt to invade it without open breach of friendship. If this method
failed, the English were left obviously with no alternative, other than armed resis-
tance. The frigate Revenge was fitted with men and ammunitions and ordered to
join the three alreadyl working at Khanderi.^i
Fortunately for the Marathas for three days^— 14th, 15th and 16th, nature favour-
ed greatly. Continuously for 30 hours the rain poured in torrents, the dark clouds
obstructed the vision and violent gusts of south-west winds rendered the English
helpless. The Marathas took fullest advantage of this fury of wind and water
and provided the island with food and other requirements. Since the appearance
of the three shibars under Captain Ensign Daniel Hughes, i.e. from the 4th to the
13th of September, it seems that no provision could reach the island. The stormy
weather prevailing for three days compelled the three shibars to leave their positions
for shelter ; during which period Maratha boats in groupvS of two and four relieved
the stress of blockade .12
About the 11th of this month it was rumoured that Daulat Khan was coming
with eight to ten gkurabs to help his people.^^
On the 19th inst. an engagement took place, though on a small scale and end-
ed in favour of the Marathas. Lieutenant Thorpe in his ti.psy mood made a rash
attempt to land on the island. He was killed along with two other men, John
Bradbury and Henry Welch. Several others were wounded and Mr. George Cole
and others were made prisoners. The captain's ship wavS taken by the Marathas.^^
This first defeat meant a great set-back to the English and encouraged their enemy
to continue their work with vigour. It made the English realise that landing was
no easy task.
About the 20th of September Capt. Minchin tried to keep close to the island,
but the Marathas did not allow him to come within the range of their guns. They
got two boats from the main and sent them back On the whola in the month of
September, the English were not able to cut off the supplies of tlicir enemy.
At the beginning of October, the Englisli started their blockade with fresh re-
sources and additional fleet. Mr. Gape's ghurab and Popjee Naik's ghmab were
hired for the war. Capt. Richard Keigwin was appointed as the admiral of the
Navy.’<* Now the English fleet amounted to eight ships ; Revenge frigate, two
ghurabs, three .shibars and two inanuclmas. The soldiers on board these ships
numbered two hundred."^"
A sharp engagement took place on the lath October. Ait day break, Sivaji’s
armada issued out off the Nagaon credc, rowing towards the English keeping close
to the shore. A fresh land breeze blew from the east. The Marathas rowed up
as far as Thai abreast of the enemy. All of a sudden they came fast upon the
English with wind and oars scarcely giving them time to direct their guns. The
Englisli shibars lying aft were forced to cut and loose sails. The shibars and man-
chuas kept so far from Captain Keigwin and Mr. Gape’s ghurab that they conld not
aid them. The top sail and ensign of Gape's ghurab were struck and captain Keig-
win and Minchin were left alone, the rest of the fleet having fled away. Both of
them fought gallantly with the odd number of the Maratha ^ips 24 ghurabs and
some galivats, all amounting to 40 sail. They were mute till the Marathas ap-
proached their ship and when within gun. shot showered cartridge and round shots
on the enemy and scared them away. The Marathas were brought by the lee and
Ibid., letter. No. 375.
12 Ibid., letter. No. 378.
» < Ibid., letter, No. 374.
Ibid., letter. No. 380,
Ibid., letter. No. 381.
Ibid., letter. No. 386.
1* Ibid., letter, No, .388,
CAPTURE OF KENNERY (OR KHANDERI) ISLAND BY giVAji
85
compelled to run away. They escaped into the Nagaon river. In the engagement
5 boats and Gape’s ghurab were captured.'*
During this short struggle, Sivaji frightened his enemies — the English, by all
possible ways. Bombay was threatened now and then by an invasion. He mobi-
lized his forces at Kalyan and intended to enter Bombay by way of Thana. But
to the good luck of the English, the Portuguese denied him a passage via Thana
and they were saved. The inhabitants of Bombay were panic stricken by the daily
intelligence of Sivaji’s invasion. By the 22nd of October the Bombay factors wrote
to Surat that SivajI had concentrated his army, about four thous^d at Panvel to
embark on board seven ships for landing on Bombay.^** The English of. course
guarded the three vulnerable points of Bombay island, Karanj, Trombay and Sion
by Watch-boats.®o As \ matter of fact Sivaji did not raid Bombay. The very
threat of it disturbed the English very much. About the 22nd inst. the Engli.di
sunk three enemy ghurahs, killed 300 men and wounded 100 men.
After the second engagement with the Marathas on the 18th, the English thought
of increasing their forces to impede the enemy’s progress. The force was actually
sent from Bombay on the 20th, consisting of a ship named ‘Fortune’ with eight
guns, four chamber pieces, gun-powder and shots, five files of ‘ Topasses,’ thirty Las-
kars, and fourteen English men, accompanied uy two other shibars having two guns
each. The Capt. of this extra squadron was Aderton.^i In spite of the new fleet
and their watchfulness, the English were miserably fizzled out and the Marathas
supplied their people on Khanderi. Under the cover of night twelve gullivats on
the 22nd and seven small boats on the 25th escaped to Khanderi. Again on the
28th sixteen to seventeen gdlivats relieved the island by provisions. To be sure
the sons of the ocean -■ the English, were unable to cut effectively the supplies of
the island from the base depot. They were dreaming that shortage of food and
water would bring the enemy to his knees, while they were not able to isolate the
island into starvation. Soon they realised that if this lingering and ineffective bloc-
kade continued, Sivaji would fortify the island to invincibility and they would be
compelled to leave the siege at the advent of monsoon.a^ The expenditure they
were incnirring, told heavily on their treasures and the drain of soldiers weakened
the position of Bombay, which was daily under the dread of invasion. However a
withdrawal or a retreat even when the circumstances were adverse meant loss of
prestige. To keep up the prestige of their Company and King or Nation, the Eng-
lish searched for some honourable, though patched up peace with the Marathas.
This honourable peace was to be brought about either by the mediation of a proj^
person or by that of the Portuguese General at Bassein or by the thrust of the Sidi
into the disturbed waters.23 The last was the most promising way of all. Sidi
was the natural enemy of the Marathas and would join hands with the English to
crush his enemy in diffiailty, if possible. The Sidi actually entered the theatre of
war about the lOthi of November. The English first welcomed him with open arms
but in the end his appearance created complications.
When the Englisli were brooding over the whole situation, that was perplexing
and expensive to them, a letter from Sivaji showing his aptitude for pieace, brought
by the Rajapur factors gave them .solace. This letter was a stepping stone to fur
ther negotiations with the 8ivaji Raja if they wished. In the consultation held at
Surat on the 31st of October it was concluded that a civil reply should be scut ti>
Ibid., letter. No. 399. {bd., letter. No. 4(L.
Ibid., letter, No. 409. Jitter, No. 405.
22 Ibid., letter. No. 418. Here monsoon means the north-east monsoon, u
prevails from December to February.
2*‘ Ibid., letter. No. 421.
86
B. K. APTE
the Raja. The Deputy Governor of Bombay was instructed to see, with the advice
of his Coundl, whether it would be better to send a person to Sivaji for negotiations
or to proceed in that matter through the Subhedar of Cheul. In this letter the
Depuy Governor was to mention the troubles which 8ivajT*9 people caused to the
Cbmpany'g men, the payment of money due by the Raja and the compensation for
war^ liberty to the English factors for a free egress and access to his dominions, and
the release of the prisoners in the sad affair of Khanderi.®^
This letter did not terminate the war. On the 1st of November, early at
dawn, Maratha boats slipped into the Nagaon river from the island, so quickly
that the English could not pursue them. A new frigate. Hunter was fitted out
and Norgrave was ordered to sail in the capacity of a captain to Khanderi.'^s About
the 10th inst. Sidi arrived on the scene.^ On the 16th he went round the island
and estimated the Maratha force to five hundred ; three hundred soldiers and
two hundred coolies. He expressed his plan to land on the island by a joint attack.27
The Sidi and the Marathas exchanged shots without hampering the progress of
either party. Meanwhile information reached Bombay that the enemy had received
no supply since a week (about the 17th November) and with the stock at their
disposal, they would hold the island somehow for ten days more. Labouring under
this false impression Bombay authorities wrote to Keigwin, how he should act if
the Marathas capitulated.
The whole situation word a lazy outlook, when an interesting episode of the
white flag ocairred on the morning' of 21st.2« The Marathas on Khanderi island
erected a white flag. The English sent a boat, with a Portuguese and a Dutch on
board in order to know the meaning of the while flag. On approach they told the
Marathas that if they vSurrendered they would protect them from the enemies. Upon
which the Marathas gave them a clear understanding that even if the English re-
mained in their position for the whole year they would not surrender. But they
allowed freq correspondence. Again on the 22nd inst. under the cover of night a
Maratha boat went to the island. The Sidi took this action as the result of negli-
gence on the part of the English.^-* He suspeaed their honesty because he smelt
of the possible treaty between the Marathas and the English.
At the end of this month a renegade coming to the Sidi from Khanderi gave
a minute account of it, its supplies, condition of the beleagured and Siviaji’s .strict
orders not to surrender under any circumstance. According to him the i.slanders
had six candy of powder and thousand balls, twelve guns, two 'hundred fire arms,
three hundred swords and five hundred and sixty men. The island had four wells
about to be dried. The men on the i.sland were war weary, but held on as Sivaji
threatened them with capital punishment and would cut olT the heads of their
wives if they surrendered without his orders’-^'. On the 17th Bombay received a letter
from- the Peshwa, sent with a messenger ; the English replied that the island should
be given over to them and they would leave it uninhabited as before as soon as the
Sidi returned'’’^. On the 27th inst. Bombay received an answer contrary to expecta-
tion. The Raja was resolved to fight at all costs'’^.
The month of November passed with little prospects for the English, the Sidi
being} their new ally. His man power was from 500 to 700. December dawned
and the whole situation for some time tended from bad to worse. Sidi’s men
landed on iSivaji’s territory opposite to Bombay and burnt some four villages, plunder-
2^ Ibid., letter. No. 427.
Ibid., letter. No. 431.
26 Ibid,, letter, No. 435.
^ Ibid,, letter. No. 436.
Ibid,, letter, No. 442,
Ibid,, letter. No. 442.
Ibid,, letter, No. 446.
Ibid,, letter. No. 447.
Ibid,, letter, No, 447,
32
CAPTURE OF KENNERY (OR KHANDERl) ISLAND BY giVAjI
87
ing and carrying many captiv'es. Daulat Khan chafed with anger and held ihc
English responsible for this cruel act of the Sidi. The English felt that they were
scapegoated. The Sidi on his part suspected the integrity of tlie English. The
English found themselves between the devil and the deep sea. The perseverance
of the be^eagueied, the escape of the Maratha boats with daily new tricks and the
fear of the monsoon put tlie English into anxiety. The growing expenditure
rendered their economic position precarious**. Thus ended the month of December.
Some formal letters passed between the Maiathas and the English. About the
29th of December Bombay received a letter f»'om Sivaji. He ackriowlcdged the two
letters sent from Bo*.ibay, but took no notice cf the one sent from Surat.^'^ By
the 2nd of January th" small crafts w'erc not able to withsttand the force) of the
north-east rronsoon and went under Underi for refuge. The Marathas mounted big
guns on the Thai coast and fired at them.'* *
The oscillatory condirtion created by the concil.atory letters on both the sides,
ended with good hopes of peace once for all. By the Sth of January 1680 Sivaji’s mi-
nister demanded from the Deputy Governor of Bombay etc., a reasonable and full
text of the proposals of peace, which the Marathas would take into consideration,
and send their own terms to the English within a short period. Ram Shenvi was
deputed by the English to discuss with the Subhedar of Cheul and Annaji Pandit.
Following were Uie proposals, madle by John Child, the Deputy! Governor of
the Bombay island and his Council to the ministers of 8ivaji Raja to be confirmed
by him for concluding a peace between the English and the Raja<
(1) The English demanded the money due to the Company payable from
f>ivajVs country and also the money due to their inhabitants.
(2) All the war material, guns, balls, powder, sails, swords etc. captured
by the Marathas was to be restored to the English and their men were to be re-
leased.
(3) All the vessels coming to and going out from tlie Bombay port were free
to go to any other port if they informed that they belonged to Bombay. Sivaji
was not to stop or hindei such vessels and in case of a storm if a vessel (coming
from or going to Bombay) was weather beaten and damaged he was to send it to
the Bombay port with its goods and other things unmolested.
*{A) Sivaji’s people had landed on Khanderi without previous intimation and
had brought their fleet. The English fleet had gone there (to Khanderi) to know
their design ; whereupon they had attacked the English fleet unreasonably. There-
fore ^ivaji was to pay the charges of the fleet the Englisli were forced to keep.
(5) The English factors were free to trade during their pleasure and no re-
straint was to be laid on their coming to, .staying in and going out of the Raja's
dominions. If any of the factors was called out from the Raja’s dominions as the
occasion did demand, the Fmglisli were free to substitute the absentee or absentees
by servants native or otherwise and such servant or servants could freely enjoy
the possession of the house or houses etc. left to them by tlic English without any
disturbance. On the return of the absentee factor or factors, they were to hav«
freedom to trade as before.
(6) Formerly there was a treaty made in writing between the Enghsli ?pd
Sivajl. This treaty likewise w^as to be observed if the ministers swore by Mahadeo.
The ministers were toi make a new writing, sealed and signed by Sivaji Raja
himself and his successors and then the English and their successors were to obspjve
the samc”^*.
• I hid., letter, No. 447.
Ibid., letter, No. 469.
' ■ Ibid,, letter. No. 470.
Ibid , letter, No. 471.
88
B. K. APTE
These points of the treaty were drafted on the 8th of January 1680 in the
consultations held at Bombay. Annaji Pandit sent his proposals to the Deputy
Governor of Bombay dated 16th January with a promise to see all the terms con-
firmed by tbe Raja. They run thus : -
(1) What was due to the Company by Sivaji and by his inhabitants to the
Company’s merchants was immediately ordered to be paid.
(2) The English were to keep friendship with Sivaji Raja and in future there
was to be no difference between them. The English prisoners, vessels and other
things! in the Maratha custody were ordered to be delivered to the English.
(3) The proposal No. 5 of the English was granted.
(4) The proposal No. 3 of the English was conceded to.
(5) The proposal No. 6 of the English was to be observed. The English
were to do the same.
(6) The Marathas promised to observe all the above written articles in the
future. Therefore the English were to withdraw their fleet from Khanderi. Sidi
Kasim had come to Undcri, by the instigation of the English and had landed on tlic
same, to whom the English were to speak in a fair way and command him to leave
the said Underi. The English factors were to be treated in compliance with these
terms. The English were not to give any assistance to the enemies of the Marathas
and were to keep friendship with the Marathas. If the English broke any of the
terms they were not to blame the Marathas afterwards
I'he same proposals were sent by the Subhedar of Cheul to the Deputy Governor
of Bombay. He also promised the confirmation ol the proposals on an oath.
In addition to these terms some proposals were made to the Deputy Goveriior
of Bombay by Annaji Pandit and the Subhedar of Cheul.
(1) The Sidi’s fleet which had come to Khanderi by the assistance of tlie
English was to be ordered to be withdrawn along with their own.
(2) If the Sidi refused to withdraw on the giound that he was the servant of
the Mughal Government, then the Englisli were not to give him any succour, neither
ammunitions nor boats. And so long as the fleet continued to be at Khanderi, the
Marathas could keep in Bombay a person of quality and ten other men accompany-
ing him to see whether the English gave him aid. »
(3) Any person or persons absconding from the Maratha dominions to that
of tlie English, to evade the payment of debts was to be handed over to the
Marathas. But if the English stated that it was not their custom, all debts due by
the person or persons or other things laid on his or their charge were to be taken by
the English judges.
(4) None of the enemies of the Marathas were to be allowed to enter into
the rivers ol Nagothana and Pen, it being so agreed in the first treaty. Due to
the difference the Sidi had taken many of the Marathas as prisoners. The English
were to manage to release them.
(5) The inhabitants of the Raja’s territory were free to come and go out
of the English dominions to trade and buy merchandise, and the English were not
to tolerate the Raja’s men being abused—were to treat them properly.
(6) Daud Khan, in the Siddi’s service who assisted Bombay had entered the
Raja s territory and had done much harm. The English were to turn him out of
the island^®.
These new proposals were sent by Annaji Pandit and the Subhedar of Cheul
for confirmation to Bombay. On the 18th January the Deputy Governor and his
Ibid., letter, No. 476, p. 285.
Ibid., letter. No. 476 p. 286.
CAPTURE OP KENNCRY (OR KHANDERI) ISLAND BY $IVAj! 89
Council sent their own proposals with the following modifications in thase they
received from Annaji Pandit and the Subhedar of Cheul jointly.
(1) The Sidi was not to get war material, guns, balls, powder etc., but the
English were not to hinder him from taking water and provision, as they did not
hinder the Marathas for the same. The English had their factories in the Raja’sv
dominions, and also in the Mughal dominions. So there was to be no hindrance to
the Sidi of water and provisions.
(2) According to the proposal No. 3 the Marathas were to acquaint the Eng-
lish ii any of their inhabitant escaped to Bombay island, and the English court of
Judicature was to investigate the case and do justice to the Marathas. U such
a person were an insolvent, he was to be imprisoned till he paid the dues.
(3) The English vore not be wanting in endeavouring to fulfil the proposal
No. 4 of the Marathas.
(4) According to the proposal No. 5 of the Marathas, the English were to take
care that none of their inhabitants was wronged.
(5) . According to the proposal No. 6, if any body remaining in the Btnnbay
island disturbed the Maratha country he was to be punished severely and driven
out of the island^®.
The Marathas promised to release the prisoners as soon as possible, and in lieu
of the ghurab etc. captured by them, hundred candies of bcellenut was ordered to be
delivered to the English, at Cheul. The English on their pari were to withdraw
their fleet. In the consultation at Bombay on the 27th it was unanimously agreed
to order the fleet to come to Bombay^^'. Tlie fleet actually came to Bombay to an
anchor on the 30th.^i Thus ended the .struggle of Khanderi after five months.
It is interesting to note that Sivaji did not agree to the term No. 4, proposed
by the English— John Child Deputy Governor of Bombay and the Council, on
the 8th of January**^. In this term the English stated that ^ivajl should defray
the charges which the English suffered for the maintenance of the fleet during war
period. Sivaji deliberately avoided replying this terra because he thought it an un-
reasonable demand and a slur upon his admirals.
The English had no right to object to SivajVs people. Yci they did so because
it jeopardised the trade of Bombay. The issue could be decided only by a light.
$>ivaji won the struggle and settled the matter.
Wihy the Maralhaa Succeeded.
When the blockade of Khanderi was begun the English had not sufficient war-
ships to strangle their enemies. Their armada numbered eight ships at ::ie start.
After the second engagement on the 18th of October which ended in favour of the
Marathas, the English added to their former force, three more ships, the frigate,
Fortune and two more shibars. The crew on board the eight ships were two hundred
and by the coming of the three ships, five files of Topassas and thirty Laskars wert'
added. Meanwhile the frigate Hunter was also ordered to join the fleet. So, when
the struggle came to its head the English had twelve battle-ships with guns and
ammunitions. The Maratha fleet under Daulat Khan numbered 40 sail, excluding
the boats that were already engaged between Khanderi and the main bast*. Tlie
maximum number of Maratha war-ships was approximately between 50 and df>.
The crew of the Marathas were not less than 400 and between 450 and 550. Tne
English navy was superior to the Maratha war-ships in every respect, llie tlindv
built Maratha ships were no match for a single massively built English frigate.
Ibid., letter, No. 476 pp. 287-88. Ibid., letter. No. 481, p. 293.
Ibid,, letter, No. 479. Ibid., letter, No. 481, p. 294.
90
B. K. APTE
with big and long range guns. The Marathas knowing fully well their inferiority
in the navy never encountered the English battle-ships in the open sea. Often
they made their appearance at the mouth of Nagaon creek and when the English
ships chased them they were waylaid and! other Maratha boats escaped to the island
or retiuned to the base. Escaping to the island and slipping back into the Nagaon
river, under the cover of night was the most effective method of relieving the island
which the Marathas practised. The heavy English ships watched thcvse enemy
tricks idly and could not stop them. Neither had they light boats, for which they
clamoured, to cope with the Marathaji. The Maratha light boats had definite ad-
vantage over their enemy ships. They escaped into the narrow creeks with the
speed of lightning. I'he shallowness of the sea, the soundings near Khanderi and
the nature of the coast were peculiarly suited to ihei movements of lightly built
Maratha boats. The only convenient anchorage for the English .ships was to the
north-east of Khanderi five hundred yards from it where there was a reef dry at
half tide, the space between this reef and the Underi island being impassable for
boats of any size.
When the Sidi alighted into the arena he added some more ships to the English
fleet. In spite of this force the Marathas held on. Instead of chalking out a joint
programme of attack the Sidi and the Englisli mistrusted each other and} continued
the strife half-heartedly. An onslaught on the island was planned by the Sidi but
the English did not deem it expedient and the idea was given up. The English
were thinking of ending the struggle in an honourable manner by .some patdied-up
treaty to keep the prestige of the Company. The Sidi scented this intrigue, con-
trary to his expectatio-ns. The Engli^ were afraid that if the Sidi occupied
Khanderi he would be more troublesome than the Marathas and scrupulously avoid-
ed to co-operate with him. This atmosphere of distrust rendered the idea of com-
bined attack impracticable.
The English had not sufficient man power to force a landing independently,
whereas the Maratha man power on Khanderi was 500 ; 300 soldiers and 200
coolies. The latter could be recruited as soldiers if need arose. An offensive move
against this odd figure would have required a force of 700 to 8(X) soldiers of resolute
will. This was impossible especially when Bombay was daily under the dread of
invasion. A concentration of 4000 contingent at Kalyan was more than enough to
put the Engli^ into deep despair. The very news of it distracted their attention
though it did not diverge their force near Khanderi.
The supply depot of the Marathas was nearer — Alibag and Thai, while the
English boats had to come from Bombay. The other supply base of the Marathas
was at Cheul away from the influence of the English navy. The English had no
such base near Cheul to counteract. Moreover the whole coast of present Alibag
'i'aluka was under v^ivajis sway.
The extra expenditure of war the Englisli had to bear amounted to 5000
per month. The Company had no economic stability to continue this costly game
when other circumstances were adverse.
Nature also seemed to side with Sivajl. At the outbreak of the .struggle the
Engli^ were obstructed by heavy rain-fall. At tlie beginning of January the north-
east monsoon had begun to show its signs, and the fear of its violent gusts in the
coming months loomed large upon the English. In consideration of all these un-
favourable incidents the English came to terms.
Asiatics serving as soldiers were named as Topasses and East Indian sea-
men as Laskars.
Xcrapheen-phin or Seraphin was a silver coin formerly current in India,
worth about Is. 5d. Thd original Arabic word is (aharifi), the name of
a gold coin.
REVIEWS
Aacknt I ijiiaptipatras. By Dr. Hirananda Sastri, m.a., m.o.l., Ex^Dircc-
tor of Archaeology, Baroda State ; (Srl-Pratapasiihha Maharaja Rajyabhisheka
Granthamala, Memoir No. 1), pp. ix, 72, Index and Plates I-XXVIII. 1942,
Price Rs. 9*12-0.
This work owes inception to the interest which Sir V. T. Krishnamachari,
Dewan of Baroda, who contributes a small Foreword to the Memoir, takes in all
things cultural— particularly those related to Western India.
In it Dr. S/STRi has tackled a hitherto rather neglected sourct-material which,
when critically studied, would illumine several aspects of Indian history and cul-
ture. Vijmptipatias or lekhas as they are called in one specimen, arc letters, written
by Jaina Sahgha (congregation of laymen) to their head priest, Acarya, requesting
him to come and spend the next catumlka (Rain-retreat) at their town or city,
Incidentally they crave forgiveness of their past sins. This is the theme of these
Letters-of-Request. But were it merely so uiey would not be of much interest.
What endows them with interest and importance is the language in which they are
couched, the personages and places mentioned in them and above all the paintings
with which they are usually illustrated. Language and literature, history and
geography, material culture, and fine arts of the period arc thus laid bare for those
who would see.
In the present Memoir Dr. Sastri has given us 24 Vijnaptipatras ranging
from early 17th century to the late 19th century. Of these the most important is
the first, which records the jarmun of Jahangir, prohibiting animal slaughter during
the Paryu^aijia Week. This throws an important side light on Jahangir’s adminis-
tration which was so far missed, as Dr. Sastri has pointed out, by historians.
Equally important are the miniature illustrations in it, among which portraits of
the Emperor himself and his son Khurram/ may be noted. Wc are told that these
were painted by the court painter Salivahana.
The language of this letter-of-request is Marwadi, as it is of many others ;
but there are some which are written in good Sanskrit also.
Since the Vijnaptipatras cither emanate from places in Gujarat or relate to
places therein though written outside- e.g. Rajputana and are so far found among
Svetambara documents, Dr. .Sastri is inclined to regard these Vijnaptipatras as
peculiar Gujarati Svetdmbma documents. Unless an exhaustive search is made
among both Svetambara and Digambara documents from outside Gujarat as well as
among documents pertaining to those of other religionsr— particularly Vallabha
Vai§ijavism, one may regard Dr. Sastri’s view as inconclusive.
Dr. S.ASTRi has very briefly described the paintings. But there is scope for
much detailed study. For instance, one should like to know the nature of the
shipvS, if these could be identified from their enlarged prints. As to dreSvS, etc. parti-
cularly of lay women in Pis. IXb, and XlVb it is like that tQ be seen nowadays
worn by Marwadi women. Hence their description as ‘ well-dressed Gujarati lad rs
(p. 43) does not aeem to be accurate, unless it is presumed that that was ihe
woman’s dress common all over Gujarat in the 17th century, Marwadi women, be
it noted, have stuck to this dress even now and display them in all gorgeous colours
and designs every morning and on festive occasions, when they visit their (Jania)
temple. Likewise the remarks fp. 51) “Three high class ladies wearing precious
jewels and dress with padar or decorated border covering the right side in the
Mardthd fashion. The Gujarati ladies would usually put the padar on the left side, ’
92
REVIEWS
would appear meaningless when it is remembered that not only the Maratha women
wear* the \padoT on the right ^dc, but it is also! the modem fashion, the so-called
Bengali fashion, which really seems to come down from the Mughal or North Indian
fashion of wearing the loose end of the scarf-like (odham) upper garment on the
light ade.
Not only linguistic but detailed ethnographical studies could be based on these
and similar records of the early and late mediaeval periods for which the title
‘ ancient ' appears inappropriate and misleading.
All persons who contributed towards the publication of these Vijnaptipatras—
Sir V. T. Krishnamachari for taking interest in and sanctioning the project, Dr.
Hirananda Sastri for undertaking to do the work and Munis Kantivijayaji and
PuNYAvijAYAji of Patai? for lending the important Vijnaptipatras Nos. I, VII, VIII
and translating and explaining them — deserve to be congratulated.
H. D. a
Magadhu Architecture and Culture, By Sris Chandra Chatterjee, c.e., Sthapatya
Visarad, Calcutta University, pp. i-xxvii, 1-78 Pis. I-XXX. Price Rs. 5.
The writer of this work is an architect by profession. His aim is to revive
Indian art and architecture, after a careful, first-hand study of the existing monu-
ments of India, and particularly of Magadha. With this end in view, the writer
travelled extensively in India and Greater India, consulted ancient works on Indian
Culture, and had the honour ol projecting his new idcasi into stone and mortar in
Patna, Delhi and Calcutta.
After giving a sketch of the historj^ of Magadha— and of its magnificent monu-
ments at Rajagrha, Bodhgaya, N^anda, Sas^ram, over a period of more than 2000
years, he indicates the hidden strength of the survival of this llindu-Buddhist-Mus-
lim architecture upto the advent of the British nile and then its subsequent de-
generation and downfall. He rightly pleads for the renaissance of Indian archi-
tecture, instead of the blind imitation of the streamlined, but soulless foreign archi-
tecture. His experience of constmeting public and private buildings in Indian style
shows that these are not at all incompatible with our modern ideas of economy,
efficiency and sanitation. This and the fact that we are having something beauti-
ful that we can call our own, belonging to the Indian soil, should be a sufficient
incentive for encouraging the efforts of Mr. Chatterjee in reviving Indian archi-
tecture.
H. D. S.
Studies in the History of the British in India : By Dr. A. P. Das Gupta, M.A.
(Cal), Ph.D. (Lond.); University of Calcutta, 1942, pp. 165.
These studies contain five separate articles four of which had already appeared
in various journals. All the articles are connected with the internal matters and
squabbles amongst the higher officials of the East India Company’s government in
the three Indian presidencies during a period of three decades between 1756 and
1784. The difficulties inherent in the government of a vast dominion like that ol
the Bengal-Niaamat by the officers and clerks of a mercantile concern are well ex-
emplified in the fiist paper. The Indian constitution has come into being on the
basis of the experience of those days. The defects of the British character are writ
WEVIEWS
93
large in the doings of the officials of these times. While on the one hand the British
have imbibed a deep love and faith in law, constitution, order, system and the like,
the racQ is patently deficient in vhualising the human factors and judging their
effects on their superimposed system. Ultimately all the good things have to be car-
ried out through human agencies with all the intricacies of human life. The Court
of Ditectois sitting in London had devised what they thought perfect rules to govern
their Indian dominions and provide for contingencies. But men, even Englishmen,
are selfish, proud, jealous, power-grasping, independent, bent on following their own
way with a strong belief in the wisdom of their opinions as well as patriotic and
law-abiding. On the whole, because of these last virtues, the British power in India
grew* and prospered. The seamy side of history svhiLh looms large in these papers
due to the presentation of personal squabbles is not a characteristic of the British
character onl} but would be found if we could investigate into the histories of other
people as well. Only they might be lacking in the legal subtleties and verbal nice-
ties to be met with in the British affairs. UnfortUiiately the Indian intelligentsia
has copied and imitated these last only, without the saving good points of the strong
character. The result is reflected in the activities of our students of history also.
No amount of the presentation of the differences and quarrels of the British officials
in India and their misdeeds can hide the fact what all these were made possible by
certain defects of Indian character which seem to persist to this day. Just as the
skill of a thief is proved in a theft, the guilelessness and iinguardedness of the robbed
are equally proved thereby. These are the thoughts which occur to a reflective
student of detailed studies such as those presented by Dr. Das Gupta in the
papers.
Dr. Das Gupta has dived deep into the intricacies and small niceties of British
Indian history. He seems to spare no pains in hunting out the historical papers,
even the private letters of the main actors in the history. He thus gets an insight
into the inner workings of the minds of these actors which we cannot hope to find
in students of only main events and broad problems. In the papers before us
the characters of Hastings, Clive, Rumbold, Maepherson and above all Lord
Macartney are well exemplified. The Deccan College Research Institute will natu-
rally take pride in finding the Macartney papers in its Parasnis Collection exten-
sively used with good effect, the photostat copies of some letters being reproduced in
this volume to convince the critic. A certain deficiency in the treatment of these
papers arises by the non-vismalisation of the background and non-use of the Marathi
material which would have better explained a few points and presented a more
correct picture of the canvas of Indian history during those crucial years. But this
is by the way and it need not take away the credit from these studies even in the
form in which they appear.
T. S. S.
Ai^KNOWL^MENT
>■ ' * ''
vcA. :
>
Adyar Library
* 8 »
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Aflahatoad Universiw* Journal , r.
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1 to 3
AnnW of tlic Bb^ndarkar C^iental Research Institute'
‘ 22
. 1 to 4
Bharat Itihas Samshodhak Mandal Quarterly
23
1
Bharatiya Vidya'
3
^ 1 and 2
T
f^avanagar College Magazine
Bombay ifniversity Bulletin
3
. 1
‘de TEcole Francaise d’Extreme Orient
40
2
Bulletin of the Rama Varma Research Inst.
10
1
Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studios
10
3 an d 4
Calcutta Review
84
1 to 3
Elphinstonian
37
1 and 2
Kpigraphia Indica
26
3 and 5
Forbes Gujarati Sabha
7
1
Indian Journal of Swial Work
3
1 and 2
Iran League Quarterly
12
L 3, 4.
Jaina Vidya
Vol. 1
1
Journal of the Andhra Historical Research Society
13
2
Journal of the Annamalai University
12
2
Joiirna] of the Bihar and Orissa Research Society
28
1-2 Index
Jounaal of the Hiiitorical Society
6
1-2
Journal of the Bombay University
11
1 and 2
Joui^l of the Greater India Society
9
1
Journal of Indian History
20
2 and 3
Journal of the Indian ^ciety of Oriental Art
8
1 and 3
Jou^l-’^df the Literary Committee
2
2
Journal of the Madras University
6
1
Anhals of Oriental Research
Journal of the Numismatic Society
3
2
joutnat of the R. A. S. of Bengal
Journal of the Sindh Historical Society
6
1
Journal of the Tanjore Saraswati Mahal Library
2
2 and 3
J^na|- of the U. P. Historical Society
14
1 and 2
li^Sl^shtra Sahitya Patrika
15
1 to 3
Man in*' India
22
1
Modern Language, Quarterly
2
1 to 3
Nagari. Pracharini Sabha (Patrika)
3
1
Nagpur University Journal
6
New Orient Society of America
f^w* R^iew
16
91-93
Oo^afi^a
12
4
oA^tal' College
19
2 and 3
Institute Journal
Mental Literary Digest, Calcutta
5
6 to 9
Poonti jOrientalist
7
1-2
Prabuddba |Carn|taka
24
1
Prifice o! Wales Museum
3 ,
1
QuUCt^ly Journal of the Mythic Society
.32
,1 to 3
Vedantii
29
1-5
Venkateshwar Oriehtal Institute
1
THE BHULESHVAR TEMPLE NEAR YAVAT
(POONA DISTRICT)*
By
A. V. Naik.
[Situated on a hill in one of the spurs of the Sahyadris, the
Bhuleshvar Temple stands in a pTakdta and is well decorated witli
figures cf deities, human and animal .sculptures and some of the
ornamental motifs that arc usually ^ound on the mediaeval temples
of the Deccan. The camel uhich is very rarely found on the Hindu
Temples also occurs on this temple. It exhibits certain unique, ico-
nographic and architectonic peculiarities by reason of which it
holds an important place in the array of the monuments of the
Deccan, and belongs at the latest to ihe 13th century’ a.d.I
The Bhuleshvar Temple stands on the top of a ba^rren hill., about 700
feet above the plain, in cm of the s])urs that run east from the Sahyadris
viz., the Smhagu(}-Bhuleshvar range.i It is situated at a distance of 3 miles
to the south-west of Yavat— both on the G. 1. P. railway and the Poona -Shola-
pur road, 26 miles east of Poona. A cart-track from Yavat leads right up to
the foot of the hill and to reach the temple one has to ascend by a somewhat
difficult foot-path through a distance of half a mile. It is also reached from
Malshiras, a small village, 2 miles to its south, said to have derived its name
from the stony ground or mat on which it stands— about 15 miles north-cast
of Sasvad.
The Bombay Gazetteer does not take notice of this temple, while it refers
to the neighbouring temple of Bhuleshvar Mahadev at Malshiras.- Though
it has been brought under the protection of the Archaeological Department it
still remains unsurveye!d and undescribed. Cousens, in his Mediaeval Temples
of the Dakhm, altogether leaves out of account the mediaeval monuments in
the Poona District, though previously some of them were described in the
Bombay Gazetteer, Not that these are in any way inferior to those described
by him, but perhaps cither he was not aware of them or had no time to visit
them. Be that as it may, our exploration in the Poona District' brought to
our notice some mediaeval monuments, each of which possesses an inuportant
individuality from* the view-points of architecture and iconography. Of sucli
the Kuka^esvar Temple at Pur, near Nanaghat, has already been described. =
* While .studying this temple I derived considerable help from my b^aeher
pr, H. p. Sankalia: and my colleague Mr. D, R. Patil. I owd the pliotograpliic
illustrations to the former.
^ Survey of India, Map-sheet No. 37 j/3.
2 18.3.
* BIKRf 2.218-24.
KULLSTIN D. C. R, I, VOli. IV.
13
98
A. V. NAIK
massive and slender pillars which are built in the dwarf-wall. The pillars
inside the ma9j4upct{ are not much different from those of the pfnkara. The
pillars of the latter have, above the capitals, rolled brackets with a cobra-
head or nd^aslrsaka upon the rolls while those of the former have square
brackets supported by four-handed little fat kncaka figures. This excepted,
all the pillars and pilasters follow a general pattern, which consists of a square
base and a shaft which is partly square, octagonal and round. The square
part of the shaft is followed by a broad octagonal band which is again follow-
ed by circular and octagonal narrow bands alternately. This is surmounted
by a series of deeply cut recessed parts alternating with projections and crown-
ed by a square block which has a triangular plate on each face. This may
be called a ‘ false capital \ as it is also supported by four ktdaka figures. From
this again rises the octagonal part which is then converted into a circular band
of three rings. All this is crowned by a capital of the shape* of an inverted
flat bell supporting a square plate which forms a support for the four brackets
which bear upon them either a kicaka figure or a cobra-head. The slender
pillars are simple octagonal shaft^. The pillars, both of the prakara and the
mamlapa, and the pilasters as well, arc well decorated with hamsa designs
and rows of beads.
The nandi-ma>,i4apa is a square structure with four main pillars at the ’
corners, and two slender pillars inserted on each side at regular intervals bet-
ween two comer pillars. The original nandi is still intact and faces the shrine.
The three dcxirways of the mandapa are well decorated and bear on the
jambs images and sculptures indicative of the sect to which the temple belong-
ed. Each door hafs a figure of Gaipesa in the centre of the lintel and a kirtx-
muUha on either side of the threshold. Above the lintel is a frieze of five-
miniature temples. Each doorway consists of four frames. The innermost
frame has a row of human figures, the second has a plain square shaft
upto the first half and the stcond half of it consists of small divisions each
filled originally with some figure. The third has a pilaster which isi square,
octagonal and round with the conventional pot-and-foliage motif on a cauranga
or a four-legged square stool, supporting in its turn, a pair of stools, one square
and another octagonal, placed over the former. The last is also a plain square
shaft upto the middle and above that has a pile of lions and elephants, alter-
nately arranged. The doorways differ from each other in the respect of
jamb-sculptures.
The East or Main Doorway has on the third frame of the proper right or
south jamb at the base, an image of a four-handed male deity standingl in
the tribhanga pose, 'fhe deity holds in the uppert right hand a ndga and in
the lower right hand a gadd. The upper left hand holds a damaru while the
lower left hand is held in kartari haste, a pose in which the* iarjdm and the
middle fingers point upwards and the tip of the (bidmikd is joined with the
tip of the afigu^tha or the thumb, both' forming a' ring. To the proper tight
of the deity are two stahding female attendants, one of whom holds a caun
THE BHULESHVAR TEMPLE NEAR YAVAT
99
or a fly-whisk. To the proper left also are two standing female coifri-bearers.
Below the image of the principal deity is an image of a four-handed seated
Devi. The principal image on the proper left or north jamb is also a four-
handed standing male deity, holding in the upper right hand a kihkha while
the lower right hand is completely mutilated. In the upper and lower left
hands respectively, the deity holds a naga and a gada. The attendants and
other details are similar to those on the sou^^h or proper right jamb above
described.
The east or proper right jamb of the NoUh Doorway^ has a four-handed
standing male deity oii the pilastered frame, like the East or Main Doorway.
The image is ir the tfibhango jxise and holds in the upj.)er and lower right
hands, a trisula and a| gada respectively, and in the upi^r left hand a kh^t-
vdhga, The lower left hand is completely broken away. On either side of
this deity are attendants and C(W<ri-bearers similar to those described above.
Below the main figure, on the basement is an image of a four-handed seated
Devi on either side of which are figures of dancei's and musicians. The west
or proper left jamb resembles the: one just described in other details except
the image of the main deity. This image is of a four-handed standing male
deity in the tribhanga pose. The lower hands of the image art' missing and
in the upper right and left hands are found a damaru and a ndga respectively.
Instead of the figure of a Devi below the main figure, there is an image' of
Ganiesa seated and four-handed, the dyudhas in his hands being quite indis-
tinct.
On Iht' west jamb of the South Doorway, the main image is, like those
on the other doorways, of a four-handed male deity standing in the tribhanga
pose. The two lower hands of this image are missing and the dytidha in the
upper left hand is not distinct. In the upper right hand is to be seen a
damaru. Below this is a four-handed seated Devi on the basement with some
small figures of attendants on either side. The main figure on the east jamb
is also a four-handed male deity standing in the tribafiga pose and holding
a damaru in the upiXT right hand. The other threc^ hands art completely
missing. Below, on the basement is a four-handed seated Devi with atten-
dant figures on both sides. The attendants of the main images in both cases
are similar to those of the other door-jambs.
The dyudhas of the images on the door-jambs, thus, consist of the damaru,
Lrisula, khatvdfiga, ndga, or ndgapdsa, gada alnd saiikha. All these, except
the last two are iSaiva by character. The gadd and the sankha are usually
associated mth Vai§iiava deities and hence their occurrence here is rather per-
plexing. But the Abhila^itdrthadntdmani^ gives Mikha, as one of the iigb
teen dyudhas of Svacchanda, a form of Bhairava, which according to it slujuld
have eighteen hands with the sixteen dyudhas of Tripurantaka and the damaru
s Fig. 2.
» 3.1.769 (Mysore University, Oriental Library Publications, Sanakril Series
No. 69, Part I, Mysore, 1926,')
100
A. V. NAIK
and s(nikha. Also the ^Itattvanidhi^** gives gcMia as one of the dyudhus of
the eight Bhairavas of Uie Ca'nda category. This would show that the gadu
and the sankha were also regarded as '§aiva dyudhas, though rarely. It is,
however, very difficult to say what particular form of Siva these images re-
present. It may appear that some of these might have originally repre'sented
Harihara because of the gadd and sankha, but this is not quite certain as
none of these images follow the laksana of that deity given in various texts.
Moreover, evidence offered by other images on this temple does not warrant
this identification.
Th(’ exterior walls of the temple are well decorated with images and orna-
mental sculptures. The walls are arranged in alternate projections and re-
cesses which are carried through to the top-most cornice of the walls from
which liegins the roof.
Each projection has a semblance of a pilaster from the bast' to the capital
at the top. An t‘ave. over the top-most cornice of the walls, runs round the
whole temple and is adorned at the edge with a running band of hamsas com-
pletely carved in the round. This feature is not found elsewhere on the tem-
ples of the Deccan. The usual basement mouldings— the gajathara, the nara^
Ihara etc. are completely! absent here, and the pHtha is adorned with small
figures of goddesses on the basi^ment portion of the projections. In the res-
l^ect of decoration, the interior of the temple proper falls into two divisions--
the mmjdapa forming the first and ihe aniordla and garbhagrkQ the second.
Each section of the dwarf-wall that runs n^und the three sides of the
i^mndapa is divided into two horizontal sections, the uj^kt being devoted to
scenes from the Ramdyana or the Mahdhhdrata and the' lower bearing animal
sculptures— lions and elephants - in lieu of the usual basement tharas. On the
south-west and north-west corners of the mmidapa isi a deep, pillared niche
which originally contained an image of some deity but which now is quite
empty. Each of tliese niclu s is flanked on cither side with a female attendant,
bearing flowers. Below the niche on the basement is a seated four-handed
Detn, representing some form of ParvatT. The north portion of the west wall
bears on the exterior three large figures of females, ont in the middle is dancing
with a nirdaiiga tied to her waist and the other two are musicians. Just below,
on the basement, is a four-handed seated Devi. The south portion of the
west wall exterior bears an interesting sculpture. It consists of thre^ male
figurevs joined a-t the hii>s. Thus the whole figure has three separate uppe'r
persons but one hip and two legs only.^^ On either side of this curious sculp-
ture is a group of female dancers. One femalle in the group on the proper
P. 86 (Venkateshvar Press, Bombay, 1823.'!
k similar curious triple figure, with four legs and six hands is also found
on the temple of Nage^vara at Malgaon in the Bhimthadi Taluka of the Poona
District at a distance of some twenty miles from Bhule^var. The temple is pen
haps of the same age as the Bhuleshvar temple or a little later, see 11.4.2,
TMfe BHULESHVAR TEMPLE NEAR YAVAT
101
left has a big mrdaiiga tied to her waist. Below this triple-figure is a four-
handed Devt on the basement.
The sculptures on the exterior of the dwarf-w-all belong to two divisions.
The up^r division bears story -sculptures-episodes from the two great epics.
I'he lower division bears friezes of Ikmi and elephant sculptures.
To the proper right of the South Doorway, the dw'arf-wall bears two
friezes,^-’ the upper being a representation of siime episode in the Ramayom,
and the lower, the lion-elephant sculptures. In the centre of tlie upper frieze
arc two large figures of males who face each other and who appear to be
warriors of high rank. Each of them holds a bow in his hand and has a
quiver full of arrows tied behind his shoulders. They both weai tall niuku(<is
and ornaments on ear-lobes, wrists, arms and at the ankles. Their dress is
quite fitting to a warrior. From their style ( f standing, it appears that they
are conversing. On either side of these two warriors, the frieze is divided into
two horizontal divisions. The upiicr division to the protrer right of the war-
riors contains, from the left, two human figures, one male seated on a round
stool in the yogic attitude and the other female also seated on a round stool
with her hands placed on her chest in the anjoli pose. The male figure wears
jata which are shown as tied on the crown in the fashion of a wirfeirffl. Behin
his head is to be seen a circular disc or aureole -the prMiavalaya -which en-
circles the head of the sacred. Behind these two figures, who apix-ar to b<'
husband and wife, is to be seen a rude structure- a
windows on the proper right side of the entrance of the hut Tlx rou^e
ist shown as sitting at the entrance. Next comes the h^re
stands close to tlie seated woman. He also has his right han
the shoulders and seems to be rendering to the sc-ated woman wha servxc an
attendant does. He is followed by two persons who are seated on ro^
stools, that near, the attendant figure holds in his right hand a s^ or .
manner in which they have posed thtmiselves, suggests that those' persons rave
come to interview the sage-like couple. Next come two standing ixrsons. one
supiwrting himself on the weapon which he holds in the right hand. the. othei
paying homage to somebody perhaps the couple with his hands in thv onjon
|x>se.
The lower division, just below the one described above, consists of seven
monkey-faced txrsons seated each on a round stool. Each of ^em wears a
mukutta. The first two from left face the proixr right end. The second ol
these has held his hands on the chest in the mljali ixise. The next also sii^
in the same attitude but has turned his head, to his proper left and apixai^
to have been engaged in conversation with the fourth who has placed th.e
palm of his right hand on the left shouldei of the third. The fifth mould y
also sits in an attitude similar to that of his neighbour on the proper iighi
but faces the opposite direction. The sixth and seventh figures face the fionf
Marked A on the plan. Fig. 1 ; Fig. 3.
12
102
A. V. NAIK
and are in the same attitude of a devotee with hands in the anjali pose, as
that of the second monkey.
The upper division to the proper left of the central figures, has from the
left, a pair of camels with huge drums on theit backs which are shown as
being sounded by the riders who are sitting on the hind part of the camel’s
back. Next comes a woman who is sitting on a round stool, facing the pro-
per left end of the frieze. In front of her is a small standing figure of a per-
son-male' or female -which represents, perhaps, a musician who has accom-
panied the dancer shown next. The dancer is a woman, and she is shown
with her hands taken up sideways on a level with her shoulders, but bent at
the elbows. Her legs are broken below the knees. Then follows a round stool,
the original figure on which is now completely lost. However, it appears that
the lost figure was of some royal personality as the figure which follows the
empty stool is shown with an umbrdla or chaira which it is holding over the
(vanished figure on the) stool. This umbrella-bearer is followed by three
females who sit on round stools. The third figure is much mutilated.
The division below, contains, from the left, a pair of elei>hants facing
the proper right end of the frieze, with riders on their backs. This is followed
by eight women, the last of whom is shown as sitting on a* round stool and
worshipping a conical, fiVigff-like object which is placed in the centre of a
square pedestal. The pedestal supports on each of the four comers a pile of
five kiilasas, Tliese four kataia-piles, or pillars as it were, support a
superstructure which resembles an ornamented tmm.ia- All the women,
except the thii^, face the same direction, i.e. the proper left end of the frieze,
the corner in which the object of worship is shown. They are represented as
bringing some offerings to the lingaAike image. The third woman has turned
herself completely about, perhaps to take the kalasioAiku object, which the
second woman holds forward. Of all the women, the second seems to repre-
sent a woman of higher status, as she wears a tall 7nukufa on her head. This
finishes the lower division and the whole frieze.
The Ramayaipic character of the whole frieze is based entirely on the
occurrence of the seven monkey-faced figures. It is, however, extremely diffi-
cult to say what particular episode in the Rdmdyana forms the theme of the
sculptures in this frieze. The two divisions on the proper left of the central
figures are representations of some religious and social festivities, while that
in the upper division on the proper right is of plain living. The latter may
well agree with some incident of Rama’s exile, the identification of the sage-
like couple' and the attendant figure with Rama-Sita and Lafc§mapa respec-
tively appears most tempting. If the upper right division represents the
exiles then it must be a representation of Ramal’s dh^^ama in the forest of
Citrakuta. The seated persons and the two standing persons then would be
representing Sumantra, Vasi^tl^a, Guha etc. who had accompanied Bharata
to the plaice. The two warrior-like large figures may be those of Bharata
and his younger brothe'r Satrughna. However, it is told in the text that
THE BHULESHVAR TEMPLE NEAR YAVAT lOJ
Bharata at the time of his meeting with Rama had worn a hermit’s
dress— the valkalas. This identification is doubtful, it is true, but unfortu-
nately it seems to be the only possible one. Even accepting this as a tenta-
tive identification our difficulties do not disappear. The seven monkey-faced
persons are out of place here as it was long time after Rama left Citrakuta
that he met with the monkeys. Moreover it was an event which took: place
after Havana had abducted Sit^ The monkeys and SIta do not. appear simul-
taneously in any event that took place before Rama’s fight with Ravapa.
Therefore the division which represents the monkeys must be taken
depicting quite a different story, unconnected with that depicted in the upper
division. Also i\iO sad atmosphere of the Rama-Bharala meeting is not
harmonious with the festivity scenes whicn thereiore must be considered as
depicting different events altogethei. Thus the relationship of the four divi-
sions between themselves is not clear and the whok‘ frit*ze bafflt'S identifica*
tion.
Below this upper frieze is a frieze of lions and elephants.’ Beginning
frt)m the left are two elephants facing each other followed by two fierct* lions
who are engaged in a serious fight. Then comes a pair of elephants who
also stand faa* to face.
I'he upixT frieze on tlu' dwarf- wall to the propei left of the South Door-
way** is undivided and begins from the left to right with two elephants facing
one another followed by two horsemen who are shown fighting face to face
Between the two horses, in the centre lx*low, is a small representation of an
animal perhaps a pig or a buffalo. After this come two lions facing each
other and engaged in a fight over an elephant. Next to this are two ele
phants, also engaged in a fight. A single horseman follows them. Tins
linishes the upper frieze. The lower is a frieze of lions and elephanP'. similiir
to the one on the proper right wall.
The dwarf -wall on either side of the East or Main Dcxirway” ' has a
frieze of lion and elephant sculptures filled below the frieze of story-sculpture.
The upper frieze on the south or proper right of the entrance, which o»-igin-
ally contained a representation of some Puranic episode has now totally dis-
ap]:yeared. That in the north or proper left, though still in its original place,
has been much mutilated and unfortunately almost all figures are damaged.
The frieze appears to have depicted in two sections the te rrible light between
(he two great warriors of the Mchabharata, Arjuna and BhJ?ma, which
took place on the tenth day of the Great Kuru War, and the subsequent fall
of the aged Bhl§ma. The first section depicts the furious duel and shows
chariots struck and overturned, their occupants leaping on to the sides and
continuing the fight from that vantage post. Every chariot is shown wit Is
two wheels and a pair of horses. Arjuna can be recognised very easily a-
his chariot is shown with Kri§j>a as his charioteer. On the flagstaff of his
Fig. 4. Mjirkod B on ihe plan. Fig. 1.
‘ Marked C and D on ihe plan. Fig. 1.
Bl'l.lFTIS I) C. R, I. VOL. U.
14
104
A. V. NAIK
chariot is to be seen a monkey. The figure of Arjuna is much damaged and
nothing very appreciable remains of his body. The figure of Bhi§i?ia was
perhaps the one in the chariot, which is opposite that of Arjuna, which is
now headless and defaced. Three arrows are seen between the chariots of
these opponents going towards Arjuna but stopped by Arjuna with one arrow
that goes in the opposite direction. This, perhaps, represents the mighty
sakti which Bhi§ma sent on Arjuna and which the latter with three arrows
split into three when all the warriors on the battle-field stood still and watched
the result with surprise.
The next section depicts the aged general on the bed of arrows. The
fall of BhLsma was the signal for the Kurus to stop fighting, and the Paajdavas
gave like orders, a temporary armistice being arranged out of respect for the
old hcio Round the dying hero chiefs of both armies are seen gathered,
Arjuna is seen standing in the second row, with his Gapdfva bow in his hand.
Below the lying Bhl§ma’s head are shown three arrows which were struck in
the ground by Arjuna to provide a support for the loosely hanging head of
Bhisma. Krsna is also easily recognised as he is standing by Arjuna’s side
and is shown with four hands. Here lying on the bed of arrows, the dying
Bhi§ma in the presence of all made his last appeal to Duryodhana to stop
the war.
On the east or proper right of the North Doorway the upper frieze
depicts a battle scene. The sculptures consist of chariots drawn by horses,
elephants, horses, men etc. It represents the ancient caturanga sem. The
charioteers are shown darting arrows on the v>pix>iKnti5 while their chariots
are dashing against one another. The elephant-riders are shown stabbing
the opponents with spears and lances while the elephants trample over the
dead bodies of the' fallen fighters. Horsemen and foot-soldiers are shown in-
volved in a tuff fight, each with his weapon and against his opponent. The
foot-soldiers are shown with swords and circular shields. The archers with
bows and quivers. The lower frieze has the lion and elephant sculptures.
The upper frieze on the proper left** depicts in tour horizontal divisions
the famous episode of DY^up^d^-Sv<^ymhvara, At the proper right end of
the frieze are carved figures of warriors or wrestlers which are now much
damaged. Their relation with the story which follows is not quite clear. In
the centre of the rest of the frieze is a large figure of Arjuna behind whom is
shown the tall pillar set up by Drupada, on the top of which was fixed a
golden fish. The whirling wheel beneath the fish, and the fish may be taken
to have been originally fixed to the capital-like portion of the pillar seen over
the head of Arjuna.^® The bow which Arjuna had bent is now missing. At
Marked E on the plan, Fig. 1.
•i" Miirked F on the plan, Fig. 1, Fig. 5.
Cf. Mbh.. (Grit. Ed.) 1.176.10.
THK HHULESHVAR TEMPLE NfiAR YAVAT
105
his feet is shown a big basin in which he is shown as looking down. In the
upper division to the proper left of Arjuna is to be seen the figure of Drau-
I>adi who stands with the garland in her hands. On her left are figures of
some five or six persons and lastly of a four handed deity. Of these, that near
Draupadi, seems to be Drupada himself or his son Dhr§ladyumna who dec-
lared the conditions of the Svayamvma after leading Draupadi to the pendal
or the It is quite in conformity with the text that he is shown by
the side of his sister. The next two figures hold swords in their right hands
and may represent either the princes who had assembled to witness the event
or the attendant guards. It is also told that Brahmins also had assembled
and the two follo*./ing figures who are clad in simple dress may be represen-
tations of these. This appears correct if we compare these figures with that
of Arjuna, for it is told that Arjuna had gone there in the guise of a Brah-
mapa. Both these figures are extremely alike. The next four-handed figure
represents, very likely, Krsna.
The lower division to the proper right of Arjuna, which is diagonally
opjposite to that described above, contains fve figures. The fust figure from
the left represents i^^ri Kr^na seated and four-handed. In his uppier right
hand is shown a padma or lotus-bud and in the lower right hand he hold-> a
gadd. In his upper and lower left hands are to be seen a sankha and a cakrc
respectively. Iconographically this image re^uesents the image of Visiiu if
the dyudiws are reckoned in the daksinddholhkoui-krama, or beginning from
the lower right hand, and of Kesava if the daksinordhavo-kara-krama or
leckoning from the upjxT right hand is followed. Both belong to the class
of the twenty-four varieties of Vi^nu. The next three figures may be taken
as representing Samba, Carude§:na, and Gada who had. with other Vf^ijis,
accompanied Vasudeva to the Svayawvaui ix?ndal. The last figure is evi-
Cl. Mhh., (Cril. Ed.) 1 176 11.
‘ ^ ^ «aw%:
55?fir ^ ^ *?fg3(Sr& ll ’
also 1.176. 34 3.6.
‘ ^ ^ WIHI:
II
3^: I
?wnf !T W II ’
Khare, G. H. Mmtivijhana 27 (Poona, 1939),
106
A, V. NAIK
dently that of Samkai^aiia or Balarama, the elder brother of Vasudeva.
He is shown with a gadd, which he holds in his left hand.
The upper division depicts the next stage of the story. But the content
of this division almost baffle identification. There are in all eight figures.
The first five from the left form one group and the next three another. Of
the five figures of the first group the first and third from left arc shown with
beards. Except tlie last all are shown seated. The last figure is boy-like.
In front of the first two figures are shown two kanicndcdus. It seems that
they belong to the bearded persons. The second and the fourth figures wear
the sacred thread or the yapiopavlta. The whole group is arranged in a
manner which suggests that the five persons arc engaged in a serious discus*
'ion. The third person has put his hand on the hips of the fourth just to
lift him up as it were. The boy-like figure is supjwting the fourth at his
shoulders.
The second group which consists of three figures, shows an eld('rly person
seated and majestic in appearance, with a kamandalu by his side, and bestow-
ing his dsirt dda upon the couple who’ are bowing down to him. The man of
the couple has a dhanu,^ya worn on his left shoulder. The elderly person
who wears a yajnopavita is perhaps Dharmaraja, the eld('st of the Pandavas
and the couple seems to be that of Arjuna and Draupadi whom he had just
won. It is told in the text that Dharma had left the Svayamvara pendal with
his two younger brothers — the sons of Madii before Arjuna and Bhima, and
had gone to the pottei’s house. When Aijuna left the ix^ndal with Bhima,
Draupadi who had garlanded the former, followed them to the iiottir’s house
It is, therefore, quite likely that this group represents Dliarma giving his
blessings to Arjuna and Draupadi when they both paid n'spLCts to him, the
first thing on entering the place. If this is correct then tlu' first group would
appear to represent the discussion about the pros and cons of the ix)lyand-
I'ous marriage, the ix?rsonalities who i^rticipated in the discussion were
Drupada, Dharma, Dhpstadyumna, Vyasa and Kunti, in the palace of Dru-
jxida. But in this group there is no figure of a woman. Of the bearded
figures, one may be taken to repfesent Vyasa and the other Dhaumya, though
it is not quite clear from the text whether he was present al that time. The
figure between these two may bc‘ identified with Drupada and the fouith with
Dharma. But what about the boy-like figure? Is it Dhrstadyumna ? But
all these identifications fall to the ground when we take* into account the
collective action of the last three figures of this group, which are quite out of
place here.
The lower division on the proper left of Ai juna is a scene of marriage
and merry-making. The scene begins with a group of four women standing
behind a damaged figure of a person seated in front of a lorayia which roofs
a square platform on which is to be seen some object of worship. The square
platform supports on each corner a pile of kalasas. The person sitting in
front of it is worshipping the object placed inside. Of the four women, the
THE BHULESHVAR TEMPLE NEAR YAVAT
10?
third is being taken to the place of worship by the two women who flank her
The first follows the three with a kanm}4(du in her right hand. The seated
figure appears to represent the bride-groom and the third figure of the woman,
the bride. The two women flanking her are shown as sprinkling over her
head the kumkuma-wztev with lotus stalks. Beyond the mati^<tpa or the
toratm is to be seen a dancer, in vehement dancing pose. Next come some
persons, seated in a row and attired richly. They wear mukutas, large circu-
lar ear* rings and bracelets and wristlets, which shows that they represent
men of high rank. It would apiK'ar from the foregoing discussion, that the
division represents a marriage scene, and that too, most probably of the
princess Draupadl with tlie Panda vas. The woman who is being taken to the
object of worship is then Draupadi herself about to be married to the bride-
groom -tlie first Panda va i.e. Vudhisthira. The orinces shown scatc'd be
yond the matjdapu are probably the four Pandava brothers who sat in the
order of their age and with whom Draupadi was married in turn. Tlie
dancer represents the merry-making which took place on the occasion.
Apart from their epic character, the sculptures are also interesting as
they throw some light on the social aspect of the contemporary life. The
square platforms with the toiams represent the vedikd or the trivaha-vedi
which plays a very important part in the Hindu Marriage Ceremony. The
Dharmasdstra lays down certain rules as regards its plan, measurements and
decoration, which are even now rigidly followed, particularly by Brahmins.
Similar marriage sccneis to those depicted in our sculptures can be witnessed
even in the present days at the marriage functions of orthodox Hindus. The
conformity which is found to exist between the marriage scenes — the vedikd
and the ‘surroundings and the description of the same in the Dharmasdshu
texts, after a comj)arison of the two, is really striking and instructive.’’’
The exterior wall of the aniardlo and the garbhagrha are decorated with
images of gods, human figures and lozenge-shaped ornament. One interest-
ing thing to be noted here is the complete absence of the usual basement
Cf.
SOTT It
from Ndtadasmili quolLd m
Aloni, N. K., Lungtiuiullu vu Soliulc p, 11 (Bombay, 19f>t).
108
A, V. NAIK
, mouldings and the rows of sculptures which we meet with on the earlier
temples of the Deccan. Instead we meet with a broad moulding at the base
of every pilaster*like projection bearing a single small image of a goddess
Then over it comes the deeply cut kmji or astragal bearing in the centre, over
the panelled image of the goddess, an ovoidal rosette. This is surmounted
by the shaft of the pilaster which is the most conspicuous feature of the wall
exterior. On its lower extremity is a flat cornice with the ornamental drop-
projection bearing a band of pendents closely arranged and cut through. On
the upper extremity of the shaft is a broad, flat cornice' faced with a band of
lozenge-shaped ornament inset in vertical, oblong divisions. These two bands
run all round the exterior and break the monotony created by its plain sur-
face. The middle portion of the shaft bears a large image, either of a deity
01 of a human being. The recess between the two projected shafts also bears
a figure sculpture.-^
The principal niches of the temple are three and arc on the south, west,
and north, that on the west being the back-niche. All the niches are now
empty. The ground plan of the temple would show the following arrange-
ment of PROJECTIONS :
1. The Aw/arfl/fl-wall on the South has 2 projections.
2. Between the Antarala-^^W and the South Niche is 1 projection.
3. Between the South Niche and the Back Niche are 3 projections.
4. Between the Back Niche and the North Niche are 3 projections.
5. Between the North Niche and the AntarBa-^d\\ is 1 projection.
6. The Antarala-^?\\ on the North has 2 projections.
Each of the three niches is flanked by four small projections.
The band of large figures that runs round the mmulovara has but a few
images of deities aPd a preponderance of human figures— mdXc and female
dancers and musicians. The aiTangement of these figures is as follows ;
(a) From the beginning of the Antarala to the North Niche, both
inclusive :
1. A Lady standing in the Iribh^hga pose.
2. Gimundia — The image is nmv broken below the waist. She was
standing on the carcass or the prlta which is lying flat on the
ground. All the four hands are mutilated below the elbows and
so the ayudhas arc lost. I h r breasts are drooping and are tied
together with a sarpa or seiptmt. Her stomach is concave which
indicates that she is knodori. Her face is quite fierce, {dmustro-
gra) and behind her head is shown the prabhdvalaya. Her whole
body is emaciated, the arms being merely drum-sticks.-*
3. A Lady standing in the trihhanga pose.
4 to 8. Ladies standing in various looses.
9 and 10. NarttakJ and Beauty with Mirror.-*
:.*2 Fig. 6. Fig. 7. Fig. 8.
THE BHULESHVAK TEMPLE NEAR YAVAT
109
11. A Musician (man) with a rntdanga.
12. A Musician (woman) with a mrd^'iga.
13. The North Niche.
ib) From the North Niche to the Back Niche, latter inclusive ;
14. A Lady standing in the tribhhgz. pose.
15. A Musician (man) with a mrdanga.
16. A Narltaku
17. A Musician (man) with a lyirdanga.
18. A Lady standing.
19 and 20. Nmiiakis,
21. A Lady standing in the iribh^nga pose.
22 and 23. Disappeared completely.
24. A Musician (man) with a mrdmiga.
25. A Lady standing in the Uribhnnga pose.
26. Disappeared completely.
27 and 28. Ladies standing in the tribhanga ixxse.
29. MahisasuramarddinT : has four hands and the demon is shown in
the animal form which is quite rc^alistic. There is nothing pecu-
liar about the image.
30 and 31 Ladies standing in the tribhanga pose.
32. Back or West Niche.
(c) From the Back Niche to the South Niche, latter inclusive :
33 to 35. Ladies standing in the tribhanga pose.
36 to 39. Narttakls,
40. A Lady standing in the tribhanga pose.
41. Mother and Child — A standing female figure shown with a child
who is dragging her by the skirt of her garment.
42. A Lady standing in the tribhanga pose.
43. Beauty and Mirror — A figure of a beautiful lady who is shown look-
ing in a round mirror in her left hand and arranging her hair with
her right.
44. A Narttaki.
45 to 47. Ladies standing in the tribhanga pose.
48. A Narttaki.
49. A Narttaki with a mrdanga.
50. South Niche.
id) Between the South Niche and the end of the Antardla, inclusive
of the latter :
51. A Musician (man) with a mrdanga.
52. A Musician (woman) with a mrdanga.
53 to 55. Narttakis in different poses.
56. A four-handed image broken beyond recognition.
57. A Lady standing.
58. A four-handed image broken beyond recognition.
no
A. V. NAIK
59. A Lady standing in the safnabhanga pose.
60. A Lady standing in the tribhangc pose.
61. Bhairava — The image is four-handed and completely nude. All
the hands are mutilated and the ayudhas are lost. It is interesting
to note that Bhairava occupies exactly opposite position to that
of Camunda on the North wall of the antardla,
62. A Lady standing.
The paucity of the images of deities in the broad band of sculptures is
made g(K>d by the image-sculptures on the broad mouldings at the bases of the
pilaster-like projections of the exterior. There are in all 27 such projections
all round the temple and all of them bear the panelled images on the basement
moulding. Here also are six figures of dancers and musicians, and except
these all are images of goddesses. Their arrangement is, beginning from the
southwest niche of the mandapa, as follows :
Projections
1 to 6 (both inclusive)
« to 13
15 to 20
Description of Images Number
Devls, and 7th Detn on the South Niche
projection . . 7
Narttakis and Beauties witli mirrors,
and 14th Devi on the Back Niche pro-
jection 7
Between the West and the North
Niche — Devh, and 21st on the North
Niche ... 7
22 to 27 .. Between the North Niche and the North
West Niche ot the mandapa Devis . . (j
I'otal 27
Many of these images are disfigured so much so that they cannot now
bQ identified. However, some have narrowly escaiK'd the hammer of tlic
vandal and are sufficiently resfxinsive to scientific enquiry.
Thus, the image on the basement of the fourth pilaster-projection on the
north side, can be readily recognised as tfiat of BrahmJ, for below on the
pifha, is shown the humsa, which is her vdhana. Here Brahmi is shown with
three (visible) faces and having four hands. She holds the trisula in her
upper right hand and the lower right is in the varada pose. A book or pustaka
and a kamapidalw are shown in the upper and lower left hands respectively.
The goddess is shown in the lalitdsma. The image on the next or fifth pro-
jection is also intact and shows a Devi, seated in lalitdsana and having foui
hands. In her upper and lower right hands are shown a padma and a sahkha
respectively while in the lower and upper left hands she holds a cakra and a
THE BHULESHVAR TEMPLE NEAR YAVAT
111
gada respectively. According to the Agnipur^,^^ this image represents the
goddess Lafc?m!i. The' third projection to the proper left of the North Niche
bears an image of Mahi§asuramarddim, which, though mutilated, is easily
identifiable on account of the demon still intact in the animal form.
The large panels of image sculpture®* over the cornice of the open part
of the colonnade, that faces the antardla and garbhagrhc exterior, are arranged
symmetrically on both sides viz., on the south and the north. Beginning from
the twin pillars of each of the south and the north wings of tlie prdkdra are
four elongated panels, each occupying the same space as between two pillars.
The west wing has only two such panels, one at either extremity Each panel
contains three figures in the semi-circular space that has been left out on the
panel by the surrounding torana decoration.
In the centre of the upper side of every panel is a kirtimukha from which
emanates on either side a creapcT which after taking three circular convolutions
merges in the opcm jaws of a conventional piakara. Each convolution is inset
with a figure of a yogi. Tlie space between two convolutions is filled witli a
bird above and a lotus-bud -pendent below. The upper comers of the panels
are decorated with multipetalled lotuses. This whole constitutes in general
the torana which adorns every panel.
The central image in every panel is larger than those on the sides. The
vdhonas of the deities are, in most cases, carved on the dado of the pitha. It
has, therefore, become very easy to identify those images. The following table
shows the arrangement of these images and gives a concise description of each
of them. For the sake of convenience the panels are numbered serially, begin-
ning from the twin pillars on the south side and ending with the twin pillars
r«i the north.
In the following analysis, the order observed while describing every image
is this : Asana, Fitho, Mukuta, Hastas and Ayudhas, Vdhana and lastly
Orientation.
Panel No. I.®"
( a ) Central 1 m age— Aindri
Paryanka, BhadrapUha, Kirita.
sakti
Aksamala & Varada Ghanta
Air av Ota, North.
50.20 (Ananda^rama San^it Series, No. 41, Poona 1900).
Marked serially from 1 to 10 on the plan, Fig. 1.
Fig. 9.
** The vertical divisions of the cross indicate the upper and lower right
hands and the upper and lower left hands respectively.
tULLETlK D, C. §. 1. VOL. XV. tS
Av Y. NAIK
H2
( h ) Image to the proper left of (c)— V arahi
Paryanka, Bhadraffitha, Kirifa,
Sakti I Dat}4o
Aksatndld & Ahhaya^ Ghanta
Mahi^a, North.
(r) Image to the proper right of («)— Camun(}:i
Paryanka, Bhadratnlha, Kinta,
Paniaru X
X X
Prtla, North.
The Dm’s breasts drop down and are tied together with a serpent or
s«r/rrt. Her stomach is emaciated.
Panel No.
{ a ) Central Image—?
Paryanka, Bhadratnlha, Karan4a,
$ara or Bdna Dhanusya
Vajra & Varada Gadd
nil, North.
( b ) Image to the proper left of (tt)— ?
Paryanka, Bhedrafniha, Kiritu.
X X
i
Ak^tnala & Vwad((. X
nil, North.
(<•) Image to the proper right of («)— ?
Paryanka, Bkadrapitha, Kirtta.
X Da»f4a'i Virtd?
X X
nil (but there is a small seated human figure below on the
proper right side of the pi(ka), North.
Fig. 10.
THE BHULESHVAR TEMPLE NEAR YAVAT
113
Panel No.
( ff ) Central Image—?
Paryanka, Bhadmpitha, Kirita,
Pdsd Pdsa
STuk Kamatt(/alu
nil (but there is a Garuda-like human figure on (he proper right
side of the fn(ha). North.
ib) Image to the proper left of (a)—?
Parymka, Bhadrapitha, Km(a.
Dafj4ff Dhmuisya
Musala P'/tra
ml, North.
(c) Image to the proper right of
Pmymka, Bkadrapitha, Karatido,
Gadd X
Ghofifd ' Indistinct.
Preta, North.
id) Image to the right of Camm^da
Pmyanka, Bhadrapitha, Karmda.
Gadd
; X
Ghmj^d
j Indistinct.
Preta, North.
Panel No. 4.=>
fa) Central Image— V ai^ijavi.
Parymka, Bkddrapitha,
Kirita.
X
X
Gadd
V arada
Garuda in human form, North.
^ Fig. 11.
Fig, 12.
114
A. V. NAIK
(b) Image to the proper left of Kaumari.
Pmyanka, BJUxdrapithc, Kiriia.
Indistinct | Vhw
~ j— — - . '
Ak$amdld & Varadal Indistinct.
Mayura, North.
(c) Image to the proper right of (a ) — Ganesa or Vainayald.
Paryanka, Bhadrapitha, Kirtla.
Pmasu Ankusa
Daiitia X
Mu^aka, North.
Panel No. 5.^-
(<?) Central Image— M ahesvari.
Pmyahka, Bliadrapttha, Kirifa.
X X
I
Ak$amdld & Vmado \ Acamana Mndrd
Vrsuhfur, East.
{ h ) Image to the proi^er left or ((/^—Brahml.
Pmyaiika, Bhadrapttha, Karanda,
Dantida ' Paso
Abhaya & Aksarndld, Pustaka
JJadisa, East.
(c) Image to the proper right of (a)— Gajjesi or Vainayaki.
Paryohka, Bhadrapifft^i, Karm,id^.
Pcir€^u Ankusa
Modaka ^rlphola
Musaka, East.
THE BHULESHVAR TEMPLE NEAR YAVAT
115
Panel No.
( a ) Ceniral Image— M^eSvari.
Paryauka, BhadrapHtha, Karmda.
Cakra Sula
Datjtijo ? Nefia.
Vrsabha, East.
(b) Image to the hooper left of (jo Kaumari.
Paryanka, Bhadrafntha, Karmiffa.
Pdsa ? T nr jam
AksavidUi & Varadu Kanimjdf^lu
Xfayura, East.
(c) Image to the proper right of (a)— Mahesvail
Pmyanka, Bhadrafntha, Karanda,
Pamaru X
VaradOf with a round Parfjafrdtra ?
plaque Kapala ?
Vr^ubdia^ East.
Panel No. 7.
( a ) Central I mage— Mahesvari.
Parymika, Bhadrapillia, Karmidfi.
T risula Khat vdhga
Ak^amala Mahdlumga' phala
Vtsablia, South.
(b) Image to the 'Soper left oP (a) — ?
Paryuhko, Bhadrapitha, Kcirmido.
Indistinct I nd ist inct .
Aksamald Kammtdalu
nil, South.
Fig. 14.
116
A. V. NA1K
(c) Image to the proper right of (a)—?
Pavyanka, BMadrapitha, Karmio.
Indistinct
Indistinct.
X
nil. South.
X
Panel No. S."-*
(a)
Central Image Brahmi.
Pmyahkd, Bhadrapifha,
Trisula
X
Kaamhulalu
Hamsa, South.
! Aksamdld & Vmada
(b)
Image to the proper left
OF (<7) -Camunrla.
Paryanka, Bh\adrafntha,
KirtUi,
Khalvafifia
Damaru
X Perhaps a dagger.
Preia, Soutli,
The DevVs breasts are shown as befoie.
(c) Image to the proper righi of {a) — Mahesvari.
Paryanka, BHadratntha, Kirlfa.
TrLsula Damaru
X X
Vr^abko, South.
Panel No. 9. ’ *
un Central Image — Kaum&ii.
Parymiku, Bkadrapitha, Karwi</a,
Trisula Pdsa
Ak^amdld & Voradn | X
Mayura, South.
Fig. 15.
Fig. 16.
THE BHULESHVAR TEMPLE NEAR YAVAT U7
( h ) Image to the proper left of («)— Vai^avi.
Paryartka, Bh^drafntha, KiUta,
Pad^m ? Saiikha
Gadu Cakra & Vmndu
Human Garuda, South.
(c) Image to the proper right of (a)— or Vainayakl,
Paryanka, BhMrapitha, Karanda.
PaT(L.u Padna
DonUi ' Mouaka
Mfi^aka, South.
Panel No. 10.
ia ) Central Image- Male Deity ?
Paryanka, Bhadraplfha, Km{u.
l}ammu Da^jid^ ?
- i •
Tonka | Indistinct.
nil. South.
Perhaps the image has three eyes.
{ b ) Image to the proper left of (o)— Bhairava.
Paryanka, Bhkuirapitha, Kirito.
Khadga Kapdla
Dagger Munda
nil, South.
(c) Image to the proper right of (o)— M ale Deity—?
Paryanka, BkadratHtha, Kirita.
Qamaru TrisiUa
X Kundika
nil, South.
Fig. X7.
118
A. V. NAIK
The ten panels in all contain thirty images of which twenty are easily
recognizable on account of the vahanas shown below on the dado of the
Pifhasu It will be seen from the above account that these images represent
the malrkas, Brahmi is shown twice and occurs in two panels — Nos. 5 and S,
Mahesvarl five times and is found in four panels— Nos. 5, 6, 7 and 8, Kau*
mari thrice and in thrCe panels — Nos. 4, 6 and 9, Aindii only once in panel
No. 1, Varahi also only once in panel No. 1 and Camunda thrice and in
three panels— Nos. 1, 3 and 8.
The are generally reckoned as seven but there are some texts
which give a different number. Also there is difference of opinion as regards
the names of the mdtrkds and as regards the seventh in those texts which give
their number as seven. The mdtrkds common to all the texts seem to be
Brahmi, Mahesvarl, Kaumari, Vai^navi, Viarahl and Aindri. The seventh
mdtrkd is generally Camurida but the Abhila$ildrthacint\dniani and the Mar-
kmideya Purdna give Narasirhhl as th(^ seventh. Some texts give the num-
Iwr as eight and among those the Nirnayasimdhu gives VainayakI as the
eighth mdtikd. (Generally on one side of the mdirkd-paiin is shown Gaine§a
and the other has Virabhadra. The Rupdvatdra states that Bhairava also
should be included in the list.
Besides the usual seven mdtrkds, our panels contain also Ganesi or
VainayakI, in Nos. 4, 5 and 9.
So far, as my knowledge goes, we have not met with a method of showing
tlic mdtrkds ~ seven, eight or nine as the case may be— other than the one
which shows them in one single row on one frieze. Here we meet with quite a
unique ptmiomemn. The mdf^kds ARE shown severally but they coi.-
LIXTIVELY REPRESENT THE SEVEN OR EIGHT mdtrkds.
The images of Gai?eki and Virabhadra are absent in our sculptures.
The image of Gapesi or Vainayaki may be included in the mdtrkds. Thus
our sculptures would seem to represent eight mdtrkds. It is not known
whether the image of Gapesa is necessary if the mdtrkds include Vainayaki.
I am inclined to think that Me panels in question represent only the seven
'' The following texts describe the Mdtikds :
Agni-Purdnn 50.17 52.14 (Anandasratna Sanskrit Series No. 41, Poona,
1900).
DevVPura^d, see Kao, G. EHI 1. 143.
Purvakara^dgama, see ibid.
malsya-Fmdna 261.24 (Aiiandiasrama Sanskrit Series No. 54, Poona, 1907).
Mdrkantdeya Purdna 88.12,
Rupdvatma 47 a )
Rupamandmia 18a . j (Calcutta Sanskrit Series No. 12.)
Visvakmmasdstra in CaturvargacifUdmmjii (Bibliotheca Indica Series 2.82.
^Hparafna 24.76 (Trivendnim Sanskrit Series, No. 98, Vol II Trivendrum
1929).
i^ritattvanidhi 4 and 12 (Venkatesvar Press, Bombay S. 1823).
rilt tJHULESHVAR TEMPLE NEAR YAVAT 11^
mdljkas viz. Brahmi, Mahesvari, Vai§3iavi, Kaumari, Vai*ahi, Aindn, and
Camunda. The image of Gaioesi does not occur here as Vainiayaki— who is
one of tile eight yndtrkas or the eighth matfkft according to some texts —
but as THE FEMALE FORM OF Gatjje^a. In tlicsc panels Mahesvarl
shown five times, and it would seem an undue prominence given to her image.
If what is said above of Gainesi is correct then we would also be justified in
cxix*cjng a female form of Vi'RARHAr^A also. It is well-known, and also
given in the texts that Vlrabliadra has also a bull for his vdhana. Can any
of the live images whicii we have ascribed to MalK'svarT be that of the femak
form of Virabhadra ? Very likely. tHXiause the dyudhas given in the texts
of both these deities are much the same. However, the fierce expression
which the image of Vlrabhaora gencially wears Uiid should wear is absent in
all the five images.
The image to the pro|>er left of tlic central one in i>anel No. 10 can be
easily recognised as that of Bhairava.
It is interesting to see how far these images deviate from their dt'serip-
tions in £ne different texts. 7'hus of the dyudhas of Brahmi as found in our
panels, the pdsa and the trisula do not occur in tlie texts as her dyudhas,
while the sruk and the huva which are given by almost all the texts as the
dyudhas of Brahmi are absent in our images. Cakro as an dyudha of
Mahesvari is found only in the Agni Purdna. The image of Mahesvarl in
fianel No. 6 holds a cMkra in the right upper hand. The kc^pdla, which is
found in the lower left hand of the Mahesvari in panel No. 6 is given only
by Silparatna as an dyudha of that goddess. I'he dcamana mudrd or hasUt.
the dc^ula and the mdtuliugaphala or the fruit of the tree of citron are
given by none as the dyudhas of Mahesvarl. I'he dyudhas of Mahesvari
which arc found here in common with those in the texts are the aksamdld,
sula, (lamaru, trisula, khalvdnga, ndga and the vaiada i>ose of hand. All
the dyudhas of Vai^pavl as found here are also found in the texts in tie:
descriptions. The image of Vai'^yiavi found in panel No. 9 is perfectly in
accordance with her description given in the Purvakdrandgama, and the Devi
Purmm. The dyudhas of AindrI as found in our panels consist of the said*,
dandet, aksamdld and the ghafji.td. Of these the danda and the ghafjid are
absent in her descriptions in tlie texts while the sakti is found in her des-
cription in the Ausumadbheddgama and the Purvakdrmidgama, and the Vis-
vakarmasdsira gives ak^asutra among her dyudhas. The varada iy(yse of
hand which is sam favoured by Aindri of i>anel No. 1 is the prescribed ))Os<
of her hand according to the Amsumadbheddgama, Purvakdrandgama and
the Visvakarmasdstra. As regards Varahi, all the dyudhas found in ouj
panels are also found in her cfescriptions in the different texts, except the*
ghm{d which has no place in any of these. The abhaya hasta also is in com
mon with the texts. All the dyudhas of Kaumari and Camui>(Ja, curiously
enough, do not find place in their descriptions in the different texts. Only
the varada pose of hand is found here in common with the texts.
OULLEHN 0. C. ft, I. VOL. IV.
16
120
A. V. NAlk
The plans of the temples of the Deccan are either rectangular in tlicir
general outline or star-shaped and that of Bhuleshvar temple is no exception
to this phenomenon. Compared with the earlier Deccan temples such as
the temple of Ambarniath in the Thana District, the temples at Balesane
in the Khandesh District*'^ and the Mahadeva Temple at Jhodga in the Nasik
District, the exteriors of which exhibit a great multiplicity of angles with
the numerous horizontal mouldings crossing them, the exterior of the Bhulcsh-
var Temple appears rather simple, its arrangement of projections and recesses
being not so very complex. On the other hand the so-called Hemddpanti
temples which comprise? the majority of the Deccan temples are characterised
with severely plain exteriota and so do not stand comparison with the Bhu-
leshvar TemiDJe. The temple of Cahgadeva, at the village of the same name,^^
is perhaps analogous to the Bhuleshvar Temple in respcx:t of the arrangement
of the wall-exterior and image-sculpture. The open mandapa, with the
dwarf-wall and the benches in the interior is a feature common to many
temples of the Deccan e.g. the Mahesvara Temple at Pattan in Khandesh,^-
the temple at Devalana in Nasik,**^; the Siddhesvara Temple at Akola^'’ and
the temples at Karjat in Ahmednagar,'^*'^ the temples at Khatava and Gursala
in Satara'*^^ the temples at I^)nar and Satgaon ii. BeraH” etc. The •sunken
shrine is a feature of this temple which is in common with those of the
Ambarnath Temple, the Kukaclesvara Temple at Pur,'’^ the Narayan Temple
at the foot of the Purandar Fort near Saswad in the Poona District"'** and the
temples at Parner in the Ahmednagar District. The only feature which is
peculiar to this temple is the prdkdra with its numerous devakulikas or cells,
which has no parallel in the Deccan. The prdkdra is essentially a Jain
arrangement and forms a conspicuous feature of the Jain temples in Gujarat"*'^
and Rajputana.'^^** A somewhat similai arrangement is to be seen in the
plans of the Chausath Jogini Temples at Khajraho- ^ and elsewhere. In the
South, the Kosava Temple at Somnathpur, ''' which illustrates the Iloysala
style in its maturity, cKCupies the middle of a rectangular courtyard sui round-
ed by sixty-four cells, each with pllars in fiont. The prdkdra is a foreign
CouSENS. H. MedU'val Temjfh> o) the Dukhan, 1 Matos HI. J\^ V, VII
and IX ( Archfpolofiical Survi'y of India, Iniporial Soiios XLVIII).
Ibid, Plates XVI. XVII, XVIII and XXll.
Jbid, Plates ‘LIII and LTV. *> Ibid, Plato XXXVTII.
*•- Ibid, 28 and Plates XXVI- and XX\ II, ’ Ibid, 17, and Plate LXII.
Ibid, 53 and Plato LXX. *’ Ibid, JMate LXXXV.
Ibkl, 60-61 and Plates LXXXVllI and XC.
Ibid, Plates CV, CVI and CVII.
BDCRI 1.170, Ibid, 2.223.
and I personally noted this fact when I visited the temple.
Fergusson, J. and BrKGESS J., History o} Indian and Eastern Architec-
ture 2.36 and Woodcuts Nos. 283 and 285.
Ibid, 2.32 and Woodcut No. 280.
Ibid, 2.51 and Woodcut No. 291.
' ASM, AR. 1932, 18 and Plate VI.
THE BHULESHVAR TEMPLE NEAR YAVAT
121
feature so far as the Deccan temples are concerned and seems to have been
adopted in the case of the Bhuleshvar Temple only as a means of protection
for the decorated surface of the temple proper against the evil eye of the
iconoclast.
One thing that strikes the careful observer after examining the outside
figure sculpture is the predominance of human sculpture and the com-
parative PAUCITY OF deities. In this respect, the temple resembles that of
Gondesvara at Sinnar, in the Nasik District. But the latter has not only
less of divine representation but also complete absence of figure-sculpture on
the walls, mo^t of the panels being filled with lozenge-shaped ornament, little
pilasters or arabesque." - Also the few images that occur upon the main walls
of this temple are very poorly carved and savoui much of later work than
that at Jhodga and other earlier examples, while the image sculpture on the
Bhuleshvar Temple on the whole is better executed and shows to great ad-
vantage beside that on the temple at Jhodp'^. The figures of deities on
the Bhuleshvar Temple are mostly confined to the small panels on the
broad cornices at the base, an arrangement which certainly seems to have
beer, necessitated by the earnest wish of the founder to protect the sanctity
OF the images. The larger images generally would be the first to attract
the attention of the iconoclast.
Representations of epic scenes on the walls and other parts are found
on temples all over India though they predominate on the southern tem-
ples, especially the Hoysala Temples.^*^ On the temples in Gujarat they are
very rarely found.*"'*’ In the Deccan, besides the Bhuleshvar Temple, scenes
from the Rdmdyana ^nd the Mahdbhdrata are found on many temples*^f^ and
the Kailas Temple at Ellora‘*‘ and also on some Galukyan Temples.®^ The
Mahdbhdrata scenes on the Bhuleshvar Temple are better executed than those
found on the Galukyan temples and other temples of the Deccan. But the
representations on the Hoysala temples are more detailed and more artistic
than tliose found on any temples belonging to the Ek^ccan and the Galukyan
styles. However, among thosc‘ on the Deccan temples, the Bhuleshvai ones
are decidedly sui3erior. ’
As regards ornamental detail, the earlier temples of the Deccan have
too much of it crowded over the surfaces of the walls. The Bhuleshvar
COUSENS, op. cit. 37, Ibid, Plate XLIV.
58 ASM. AR. 1937 32-33, 1940 22. 1933 4-10, 1930 35, 43-44, 1934 3^41.
1935 4-5 etc. Krishna, M. H. A Guide to Belur 11, 14 (Bangalore, 1937) and A
Guide to Talkad 15 (Bangalore, 1938).
Burgess, Antiquities oj the Town oj Dabhoi, in Gujarat 9 and Plate XV,
Sankalia, H. D. Archaeology oj Gujarat 91 (Bombay, 1941).
c.g. CousENS, op. cit., 37, 40.
Burgess, The Ellora Cave Temples Plate XXV.
COUSENS, H. The Chaiukyan Architecture of the Canarese Districts 64-66,
and Plates XLIII. XLIV and XLVI also 62 and Plate XLVII.
122
A. V. NAIK
Temple in this respect is quite free from overloading and the plain surface
left on its walls acts as a pleasing foil to the ornament and image-sculpture
The lozenge-shaped ornament is pretty common on the later temples of the
Deccan.^3 The homsa also is seen frequently used to decorate the shafts of
the pillars, pilasters, basement mouldings and the lower cornices of the
sikhara,^ But the running band of hofnsas, on the upper edge of the
cave and completely out in the round is a unique feature only peculiar to
THIS TEMPLE. The makara and kirtimukha are of common occurrenoi
all over India. But the makara and kirtimukha combination in a tora^a
is not so very frequent in the Deccan temples as it is in the Hoysala temples.
Also the circular convolutions inset with figures of yops< and others is not a
feature of the ornamentation of the Deccan temples. The other, and the
earliest example of a inakcrra-torainia in the Deccan is found in the Aesvar
Temple at Sinnar.*'*"’ The Aesvar Temple does not belong to the class of
work usually found in the Deccan, but it belongs to the Calukyan style.
The makara-iorana here is confined to the piece of carving which overarches:
the entrance of the antatdla. The torarta proper consists of a semicircular
arch of three bands which rist^ from the jaws of two makaras, one on either
side. The tails of the makaras are of flowing arabesque, which turn up over
their backs and forward on to the arched bands. In the centre is a kirti-
mukha now worn out beyond distinction. The makaras here have fish -like
FLOATING BODIES. The Bhuleshvar makaras are quadrupeds and resemble
more a rhinoceros. Their tails are less ornamental than those of the former.
Analogous to the Bhuleshvar makara-tormxas are those from the Navalinga
Temple at Kukkanura®^’ and the Kappe-Chennigaraya Temple at Belur.®^ The
former is found on an architrave above the antechamber to one of the shrines.
The architrave is perfect and well carved with the makaras, one on either
side, with florid tails. In this instance, and it is very unusual, the makaras
are carved with circulai scales. The latter is found on the slab which bears
the image of Kappe-Chennigaraya, in the west cell in the hall. The makaras
and the convoluting creapers here, which rise from a central klrtimukha and
disappear in the jaws of the makara, are very much like the Bhuleshvar ones.
There are also figures of yogis inset in some convolutions.
The OCCURRENCE OF THE FIGURES OF CAMEL on the walls of the Bhulesh-
var Temple is noteworthy as so far the camel was found only on one temple
of the Deccan, the temple of Siddhe^var at Akola in the Ahmednagar Dis-
OousENS, Medieval Temples of tfie Dakhan 54 and Plates XXXVT
XXXVII, XLIV, LVII, LIX, LXII, LXX, LXXIII, LXXVI, LXXVIII, LXXXI,
LXXXV, LXXXVIII, XC, XCI, XCII, XCV, XCIX.
CousEN’s, Ibid, Plates LVI, LXXIII, LXXXIII, CVII ; BDCRI 2.224 and
Figs. 6, a, b and c.
COUSENS. Ibid, Plate XLVI.
CousENs, The Chalukyan Architecture etc, 74 and fig. 23.
Krishna, M, H, A Guide tv Belur, Plate VIII.
YAVAT rfUnjpli
Fi(i 1 Plan of the Bhultslnar Iimplc
iCouttesv \u In olof^Kul SHin\ ff India)
2. K:isl jninb of llu' Noith Dooiway
ol tfu' Maiujapa, Hluilc'^-livar Ti-mple
( Coialfesy— Archaeological Suri'cy of India.
4. I'riezi* of Lions and Klei)!iants on Jhc dwarf uall to ihe propci
iiijlU of ihc South Doonvay of the Mandapa, Bhuleshvai 'I'einplt'
5. The liieze of sculptuies lo the proper left of the North l‘)(x)iway
of the Mandapa, Bhulesfivar Temple.
iCourtny Arcli;rolo}>ir(tl Survt^y oj i
Fk. 7 Showing the image of Cfimuncja and olher figures on Ihc' (‘xlenoi of
the Ant ai ala wall, north nde f^hul(“'li\ ar Ti'inple.
Fi<;. 17. T’anel No 10 showing Bhairava and oIIkt male delinks,
Hhiileshvar Temple.
Fi(.. 14. Panel No. 6 showin^^ Mahesvari, Mahesvari and Kaurnari
Bhuleshvar Temple.
Fir.. 15. Panel No. 6 showing Mahesvari, Brahmi and Camnijda.
Bhuleshvar Temple,
Fk;. 16. Panel No. 9 showinif Ganesi, Kaumari and Vaisijavi,
Bhuleshvar Temple,
THE BHULESHVAR TEMPLE NEAR YAVAT
123
trict;6® Elsewhere, in early works, also, the camel is very rare. In the
second frieze of the basement of the Keiava Temple at Somnathpur, are shown
camels with drums on their backs. The camel also occurs on the thirteenth,
fourteenth and fifteenth century work in Gujarat^® and Rajputana.’^ The
treatment of the Bhule^var camels shows that the sculptors were familiar
with the usual features of the bodily structures of the species.
The mdtrkd panels form the iconographic peculiarity of the Bhuleshvar
Temple. The several reprsentation of the mdtrkas and the* high place
assigned to the panels speak of the desire of the temple-builder to provide
protection to the deities. The panels are placed at a height which is
beyond the reach of human hand and the several representation, with the
repetition of some mdtrkas, seems to have been adopted to preserve at
least some of the images.
Thus, the prdkdra, which forms an appropriate cloistered setting to the
temple proper, the confinement of deities tr the small panels at the base,
the place assigned to the mdtrkd panels and perhaps the sunken shrine, all
appear more to be protective measures than anything else. When the temple-
builders in the Deccan and the South became conscious of the advance of the
iconoclast, they had either to suspend temporarily the building of many
temples or had to adopt some measures to protect the sanctity of the temple
and the icons. The absence of outside figure-sculptures becomes marked more
and more on the later temples of the Deccan. Though not so profuse in
exterior decoration as the earlier temples of the Deccan, the Bhuleshvar Tem-
ple is not to be classed with the group of temples headed by the Gondeshvar
Temple of Sinnar. which are characterized by less decoration so far as image
sculpture is concerned. In this respect it .stands between the Mahadeva
Temple at Jhodga and the Gondeshvar I'emple. The acxjuaintance with
THE camel need NOT AFFECT ITS CHRONOLOGICAL POSITION, ^2 even the
Hoysala artists of the far south are found to have been quite familiar with
that animal. It would thus seem that the Bhuleshvar Temple falls at the
latest in tne first half af the 13th century a.d.^®
COUSENS, Mediaeval Temples of the Dakhan 54.
ASM, AR, 1932 20 and Plate X, 3.
and CousENS, Ibid, 11 and 54.
•2 The Kesha va Temple at Somnathpur was constnicted sometime earlier than
1268 A.D. and its execution was completed except for a few sculptural details by
1268 A.D. This seems to be the only temple in Mysore whereupon the camel ap-
pears. The Siddheshvar temple at Akola is, on stylistic grounds, to be placed m
the latter half of the 12th century, a little earlier than the Bhuleshvar Temole ;
See ASM, AR, 1933 18.
I found afterwards, that the Bhuleshvar Temple was surveyed in 1892 ao).
and its plan prepared. However, the survey results have not yet been publislict)
in the Report of the Archaeological survey of India. I have to thank the aulho
rities of the Archaeological Survey of India (or the plari and photographs which arc
printed here*
ON THE a -PHONEME
By
C. R. Sankaran
[Abstract In this paper it is pointed out that the investigations
in experimental phonetics lead to the conclusion that the phonemes
in any speech-form are continuous entities. It is also diown that
any member of the consonant-class is greater than any member of
the vowel-class on Rousselot’s theory of accent which assigns the
cause to the organs of breath. Thus the relevance of the applica-
tion of Wedekind’s postulate in the matter of the definition of the
sub-class of «-phoncme is indicated. The wider question of the
classes of phonemes is also touched.]
It has been already observed’ that Phonematics has apparently to use only
one background viz. time and that it deals with continuous entities. The
latter assumption is quite valid as investigations in experimental phonetics’
clearly show that the stretch of speech between two pauses is continuous with
no breaks of any kind. Any speech sound passes gradually into the character
of the following speech sound. Speech does not consist of blocks of constant
sounds but of a continuous sound that changes more or less gradually from
beginning to end. All the three basic physical ossumptiomf' on which the
proWem of the sub-class of rt-phoneme have yet to be worked out experi-
mentally, especially the third assumption that if the duration of the consonant
extends beyond the refractory period, there is a chance for the audibility of
the consonant in case the preceding vowel has an influence on the following
consonant, are in strict consonance with the conclusions that investigations in
experimental phonetics point out.**
Now there are two main theories of expiratory accent, on purely physio-
logical grounds. One is Forchuammer’s theory of glottal accent.-' The
other is that of Rousselot." Forchhammer’s theory is that a closer ap-
’ BDCRl 4. 55 fn. 8.
“ E. W. Scripture, ‘ The nature of speech '. Proceedings 2nd Inteinolionnl
Congress of Pkimetic Sciences, 214.
’ BDCRl 4. 55-56.
■* See E. W. Scripture’s demonstration of the phenomenon of overlapping
(op.cit. 217-9). He observes that since the speech sounds constituting a word
occur more or less samultaneously, a word must occur not only in a stretch of time
but also with an extension in the dimension oj simultaneity.
f- E. Prokosch. Forchhammers Akzent theorie und germanische Lautver-
shiebung. JEg.Ph. 11. 2 : O, Jespersen Lehrbuch der Phonetik Section 7, 3.
« See Lotspeich. Accent mixture and sound changes. JEg.Ph. 17.1S9.60. I
am inclined to think that the view that '.when an accented vowel precedes a con-
sonant the air output on that consonant is small relatively’, (cf. J. H. MuvsKENS,
ON THE tf-PHONEME
125
proximation of the vocal cords utilizes the breath in a more efficient manner,
and that the result is a tone of greater strength. This theory clearly assigns
the cause to the organs of phonation, Rousselot’s theory is that accent is
the result of greater pressure by the organs of breathing. This theory un>
doubtedly assigns the cause to the organs of breath. Now Forch hammer’s
theory can be true for vowels while Rousselot’s theory can be true for conso-
nants.^ This view has in common with both theories tlie consideration of the
relationship between the size of the physiological occurrence on the one side
and the resulting i>henomenon on the other. Both assume a direct propor-
tionality between muscle-energy and accent.^
Here of course a fundamental question crops up in Phmiematics. Both
the quantitative and qualitative aspects are inextricably blended and it looks
as if that pure theory alone can conceive of tluTn as being apart for, it is
obvious that one cannot extricate quantity from stress or tone (and therefore
quantity cannot be considered apart from stress) and quality must neces-
sarily vary with stress. It therefore looks that quantity and quality must
affect each other and should be* always studied, as far as possible, together.
It looks as though that serious limitations are imposed by viewing the two
categories apart:^
Rosengren’s assumption that the primary accent is identical with
quantity is very definitely denied by Jespersen, Gutzmann and Pancon-
cellt-Calzia. However, it cannot be denied that the possible relationship
between quantity and accent of intensity remains a question which deserves
not only empirical but quantitative treatment and that an examination of the
relation between the subjective impression of the accent i.e. primary,
secondary and unaccented vowels, and the physical intensity ( molecular
oscillation) is necessary.
Now on Rousselot’s theory which assigns the cause of accent to the
organs of breath and which is true for consonants, it can be easily seen that
any n>ember of the consonant-class is greater than any member of the vowel -
class. Thus we not only find that all the terms in each one of the various
(lasses of phonemes already defined^^' are continuous but also that the third
term (viz. the consonant) in each class is greater than thq first term (th<
vowel )“ and therefore the relevance of the application of Dedekind’s postu-
An Analysis af Accent in English from Kymograph Record, Vol. 17.64) does not
materially affect the argument heie.
‘ See Van Ginneken. Principes de linguhtif/m pbychologiquc, 292 ; O. jKs-
PERSEN, op.cit. 11611.
^ C. B. Miller, Accent : classes and variations. Proceedings 2nd Interna-
tional Congress of Phonetic Sciences, Cambridge, 235 ff.
« O. Jespersen, Lehrbuch der Plwnetik, 17811., 211 IT.
BDCRl 2. 344 : 3. 392 : 4. 54,
This is perhaps why it is found that the consonants are more significant
than the vowels for the sense. E. M. Von Hornbostel, Laut upd Sinn, Festschrift
Meinhof 329-348.
126
C. tt. SANtCAttAN
late^2 in the matter of the definition of the sub-class of a-phoneme is quite
apparent.
The definition of the ‘ given linearly ordered class of phonemes is not
in consonance with the extreme view that speech-sounds are at best only
‘arbitrarily isolated segments of an integral cor^tinuum The number of
classes cannot be infinite, since a ‘ system of signalling with infinitely vari-
able never recurring signals is an impossibility and the principle of sound-
change demonstrates a class-unity among a number of sounds*.^®
In addition to the advantages got by the definition of the sub-class of
«-phoneme which have been already enumerated^^ it may be pointed out here
that the definition of the sub-class of a-phoneme may throw an entirely new
light on what arc supposed to be certain glide sounds in some Kashmiri
dialects! ® occurring in great frequency in common speech about which one
cannot be sure whether to designate them as vowels or semi-vowels or even
consonants.
Dedekind, continuity and iimtiomd numbtn. translalcci by W. W. BkmAn.
Chicago, 1901.
BDCRI 2.344 . 3.392 : 4.54.
This extreme view draws a line Ix'twecn two separate* planes of languc {form
~ geschkhtliche Imtklassen normcn, (W. F. 'Fwaddell, On defining the Phoneme,
Language Monograph No. 16. 40; Vachek, one aspect of the Phoneme thcor 3 \
Proceedings 2nd International Congress o) Phonetic Sdcnces, 35) | and parole
1 Utterance - Konkrete Lout manijestier ungen (E. Zwirnek and K. Zwirner,
Grundfragen der Phonomehk. W. F. Twaddell. JEg.Ph. 38. 278)1.
BDCRI 4. 54.
It must be admitted however, that there is no absolute criterion which can
determine whether two specific sounds belong to the same class. Cf. W. F Twad-
dell, JEg,Ph, 38. 279.
BDCRI 3. 394 ; 4. 56.
I wish once again to emphasize that the allophones of the sub-class of a-phoneme
are enjoying the same status as the allophones of visarga which in turn is inter-
preted.Cas shown by A. H. Fry, in A Phonemic Interpretation of Visarga Language,
17. 194-200) as a sub-class of the <rphoneme.
I am indebted to Dr. Siddheshwar Varma s private communication to me
dated 1st October, 1942, for this information.
A MANUSCRIPT OF THE MlS}AT4>SlKANDARi
By ,
M. A. Chachatai.
TTie Mirat4-Sikandari is generally regarded as a complete and authentic
history of the Gujarat Sultanate (806-980 A.H./1403-1572 a.d.)* which, ac-
cording to the Mirai4-Anmadi (conupleted in 1174 a.h.), was composed
forty years after die fall^ of the Sultanate in 980 a.h. i.e. a.h. 1020
(1611 A.D.). It records events up to the a.h. 1001, including those of the
Mughal history when the dethroned Sultan Mazaffar III ended his chequered
career by committing suicide in Kathiawar/'^
The author Sikandar b Muhammad (dir' Manjhu b. Akbar mentions
about himself that his father Manjhu was one of the attendants of Sultan
Humayun and that he was the officer in charge of his library.*' He was one
of the sons of the Shaikhs of Sayyid Mubarak Bukhari (d. 965 a.h.), one of
Sultan Bahadur’s nobles. Manjhu used to serve Sayyid Mubarak as his
agent in secular matters and as one of his chief followers in spiritual matters.
Ilis son Sikandar, the author of the Mirat-i-Sikandari, had participated in
political affairs when Khan-i-A‘zam was appointed governor of Gujarat
in place of Khan Khanian. He was bom in a.h. 961 in the year of death
of Sultan Mahmud III. The Emperor Jahangir mentions in his Memoir in
the course of the account of his 12th regnal year 1026 a.h. (1617 a.d.) when
h(‘ paid a visit to Gujarat : —
“I went to the little garden of the’ luiweli (mansion) of Shaikh
Sikandar, which is situated in the neighbourhood of this garden (in Ahmeda-
bad) and which has exceedingly good figs- — Shaikh Sikandar is by origin a
Gujarati, and is not wanting in reasonableness and has compiled information
ajxxit the Sultans of Gujarat. It is now eight or nine years since he has
been employed among the servants of the state.” On the Ms. of the same in
the British Museum, London, the author is described in the subscription as
^ Mirat4-Ahmadi, Baroda Edition, Vol. 1. p. 41. But the Ms. of the same
Mirat4Sik<mdm at the Bodleian Oxford, is described thus by Ethe At the
end of this copy, which was finished the 27th of Dhu’H-Hajja A.H. 1056/a.D. 1647,
3rd of February, as date of this work's completion is given the 9th of Rabi-ah
Awwal a.h. 1022/a.d. 1613, 29th of April. The first page is missing ; it begins
abruptly after some cancelled lines in the enumeration of the sources, correi^nd
ing to 1*9 in the fiist of the lithographed edition. Item 273, Cat, of Persian Tni-
hisk, Hindustani Mss, m the Bodleian Library, Vol. II. pp, 143444.
2 Mirat4^ihandari, printed edition, Bombay, 1308 a.h. pp, 348-49.
' Ibid., pp. 274, 312.
* Memoirs of Jahangir (Eng. Translation) by Rogers and Beveridce
L ondon, 1909, Vol. I. p. 427.
BULLETIN D. C. K X. VOL. IV.
17
12 ^
M. A. CHAGHATAt
Maulana Sikandar b. Manjhu favourite companion {nadim) of Jahangir* It
is sufficient to conclude that before Shaikh Sikandar had entered the service
of the Mughal Emperor he was already busy at this important work which he
completed while in his service.
Shaikh Sikandar Manjhu had also compKose'd one small treatise on mysti-
cism named the Nuhalu'VAriiin, comprising of five chapters and specially the
last one of them deals with the maxims of good characters supported by quo-
tations from various saints among whom he has siDCcially referred to Muzaf-
far II of Gujarat.^
So far two published editions of the Mirat-i-Sikmdari are available.
The first was made at Bombay in a.h. 1246/183i1 a.ix under the patronage
of (kneral John Malcolam by Captain George Jarvis, and it was transcribtid
by Mirza Ahmad Shirazi. Later on the exact copy of the same was litho-
graphed at Bombay in 1307 a.il/1890 a.o. on very inferior paper. At present
both the editions are out of print and not pnxrurable.* In this paper the
latter Bombay edition is referred to.
It was by mere chance tliat I came across one Ms. of the work in the
Bharata Itihasa Samshodaka M'andala, Poona' (No. 65 in their list®). Owing
to its binding having deteriorated it is now only in loose leaves tied up with
string between two pieces of card-board. The Ms. is incomplete because about
fifteen folios are missing. It contains 256 folios and each measures 7 X 10
inches. Each page has seventeen lines written in ordinary legible nasta'liq
style. On its frontispiece (reproduced here Fig. 1) it bears the following
autograph from the pen of Mirza ()hiathu’d-Din Ttimadu’d-Dawla, father of
Nurjahan and father-in-law of the Emjieror Jahangir and also one of the
chief ministers of the Empt^ror
- 0)1
^
I Am] \ • r r C-.
^ii)| •j
‘Allah is the Great. Shaikh Sikandar, who is the author and compiler of this
Rieu, Catalogue of Persian Mss., British Museum, London, Add. 26.277.
The writer had the opportunity to consult this rare Ms. of the Nukatu'UArfin
in the library of Qazi Sayyld Nuru’d-EHn at his residence in Bharoach for which
he deserves sincere thanks.
" It was completely translated by Fazlullah Lutfullah Faridi, in the nineties
of the last century. Sir Edward Clive Bayley translated it in 1886 dealing only
upto 1533 A.D., i.e. reign of Mahmud III.
® We are much indebted to the authorities of the Mandal for kindly lending
this important Ms. from their valuable collection for our use.
A MANUSCRIPT OF fHE MIRAT-I-SIKANDARI 129
history came to this faqir (humble person) on Wednesday, the 5th of the
month of Sha'ban, year 1023 a.h. (10th Sept. 1614 a.d.). Written by the
most humble Ghiathu’d-Din Muhammad entitled Ttimad-u’d-Dowla.®
Its last page (reproduced here (Fig. 2)) has this colophon : —
> . r r I (i^Ur
‘The most humble Murtaza, son of Shaikh Tahir, son of Mian Khan, wroU’
this book and completed it on Friday the 3rd of Jumada II, year 1023 a.h./
(11th July 1614 A.D.i«).*
Just on the right side of the name of the scribe there is an elliptical seal
in jxirfect nasta'liq style of writing which is read thus :
I viiLc i I
‘ Help me O Succ(uir of the plaintiffs.’
'Fhe same seal is also repeated on the i>enultimate page and is obviously of
Mirza Ghiathu’d-Din Ttimadu’d-Dawla
The above noted evidence leads us to believe that this Ms. of the Mvai^
uSikandmi was transcribed just about three years after its compilation in
1020 A.H., and the calligraphist had carefully compared it with the Ms. from
which he had copied, as many corrections occur in the text in his own hand.
rtimadu’d-Dowla seems to have written the above noted autograph in Ihe
presence of the author about^ two months after the Ms. was transcribed.
Even a casual comparison of the two printed (xiitions of the Mirat4~
Sikandari with this Ms. forces us to conclude that almost every page varies in
a good many plates. To verify this fact, therefore, a few instances of
Vol. I, p. 128, gives detailed account of rtimadird-Dowla.
To show that this M.s. of the Mirat-i-Sikafidml isi so far thei earliest known
Ms., some other Mss. of the same found in other collections are arranged below in
their chronological order
1038 a.h. No. 195. Descriptive Catalogue oj the Persian Mss,, Asiatic
Society of Bengal
1042 A.H. British Museum, Add. 26,277.
1043 A.H. Nawab Salar Jang Library, Hyderabad (No. 4254).
1046 A.H, Indian Office Library, Ix>ndon, (Item No. 273).
1056 A.H. Bodleian Library, C^ford, (Item 273).
cl 056 A.H, India Office, London (Item 348).
1072 A.H. India Office, London. (Item 440).
cl 100 A.H. Nawab Salar Jang Library, Hyderabad, No. 1044.
1120 A.H. Nawab SaJar Jang Library, Hyderabad, No. 4043.
1162 A.H. British Museum, Add. 27.253.
1190 A.H. India Office, London, (Item 441).
1196 A.H. British Museum, Egerton, 697.
130
M. A. CHAGHATAI
variant readings found in the text of the printed editions and that of this Ms.
are cited below side by side with their brief description wherever necessary.
(Printed Edition, 1890) (This manuscript)
pg. 2 line 16
folio 1
(b) (reproduced here Fig. 3)
X
pg. 2 line 17
pg. 2 line 18 .1*
1 j • 1.1 »]a^
• 11 j^rl Jl^^l
pg. 2 line 18
pg. 2 line 19 ^
L* J 1 0^31
X
pg. 3 line 1
•li jili. fU,
X
» ^ yM 3^4 1 y ^ Sa
X
pg. 3 line 2
/.
folio 2
(a) (reproduced here) ^Cj
pg. 3 line 14-15
31
)>g. 3 line 15
if
s h
y j 1 ^
pg. 3 lino l(i
4 (heading) jl-i JU .^L;i .1«L
X
5 L. 1-2
In this extract of the' Ms. Sadharan is mentioned as the founder of the
Gujarat Muslim dynasty whereas Saharan is found in the printed edition.
The latter has also been adopted by the modern historians.^ ^ But Sir E. C.
Bayley has entered Sadharan the former as found in this Ms. in his trans-
lation of the Mirat-i-Sikandari^’^ after consulting other Mss. of the same then
available to him at the time of his translation.
pg 5. line 2. d;l; 31 j\
(of the* Tank race) (of the 'I'akk race)
According to the printed text Sadhaian entitled Wajihu’l-Mulk is
u garded of the Tank race but here the Ms. says that he belonged to the Tak
race*. According to Colonel Ton. ‘ Tak or Takshak apj>ears to be the generic
term of the race from which the various Scythic tribes, the early invaders of
India, branched off.^^^
Commissariat, M. S., History of Gujarat, Bombay, 1938, p. 48.
Bayley,, Sir Edward Clive, Translation of the Mhot-i-Sikandari, p. 67.
1-^ Annals and Antiquities of JRajasthan, Vol. I, pp. 85-86 ; Gazetteer of the
Bombay Presidency, Vol. IX, p. 497.
A MANUSCRIPT OF THE MIRAT-I-SIKANDARI
131
P. 5. 1. 3 y
folio 3a.
p. 5. 1. 4. o';j j'
1.^ y j!
P- 5- iil. 3V‘'I
p. 5. I. 8.
p. 5. 1. ’6.
Ji:- fUi, jljuU
•>- ^ .
p. 132 1. 17.
folio T5a.
J ^
(Khudawand Khan ‘Alim)
(Khudawand Khan ‘Aylam)
This Khudiawand Khan was known as Amii Khiidawand Khan, son of Yusuf.
s(yled Malik ‘Aylam which name is found in the Ms. He founded a suburb
to the south of Ahmedabad, known after his nanae as ‘Aylampur. This
name is also found in this Mis., where he brMt a suix'rb mosque in stone.
In the course of the account of this Malik ‘Aylam it is clearly noted in both
the printed text (p. 13v3, L. 1) and the Ms. (folio 75a) that he was a man of
literary attainments. The author of the Mirat4-Sikandmi has quoted the
following seven verses depicting the* theme of ‘Solitary Life’ in the Ms.
(folio 75b), which have been omitted in the printed edition. 1 am inclined
to think that these beautiful verses were most probably composed by Malik
‘Aylam because he had spent his subsequent days of life' in retirement.
(a)
d j.)| —
0 ^ cj^ ^
(b)
3
<. 3 -^ 3 *.
(c)
^ 3^3 5’3
(d)
ju J 3 3 cjU 3 oT —
J..-.I ^ ^1 3 v/” 3
(e)
ur\^\ a *3 3 JU-I 3 3I —
-^^3 3 (i 3 3 31
(f)
julc (S\) j. —
^^3 yr J:®
(K)
3 ’ 3*^ 3 j’.l J
y ^j>. 33 ^.3 ^
Transkalion.
(a) Arabic - Ewciy one who chooses (prefers) solitude, obtains gloiy
without any delay,
P(rsian (Theie is a pun upon the worrl > of which f sig*
nifies (knowledge) and ) stands for f piety),. It is com-
IX)sed of (glory) and (kick).
(b) Since solitude is better than company for you, leaving company
aside set your foot in the corner of solitude.
(c) Solitude is the key* to the treasure of mystic knowledge, it is a re-
medy for the ills of existence.
132
M. A. CHAGHATAI
(d) "Izz (glory, power) and Lai (kick) which are linked with each other
in the former is the glory of the heart and soul and the
latter is a kick for the self.
Its^^c represent (knowledge) and its \j stands for (piety)
that is, it is based upon knowledge and piety.
(/) Without the ^ of *1 is nothing but (slip, blunder); with-
out the \j of it is nothing but (defect, disease).
(g) Your solitude obtains honour from these two letters and 1^)5
and without these two letters it is nothing but (kick) for you.
p. 133 L. 2. folio 75a.
• j| <.^1* j ^V.i lac,* ♦ j| J:-
p. 133 L. 5. folio 75b.
(Alaf Khan Bhokali) (IHugh Khan Bhokahi)
p. V33 L. 9. folio 76a.
S' I I J ^j***'^ t I
^ •yt •y* y
^ I i ^ w-***! • ^
rhe j)rinled text asserts, “ ‘Imadu’l-Mulk ‘Asas is he who {X)pulated the
suburb ‘Asaspur which lies between Batwa and Rasulabad But this Ms.
corrects this information that he was called *Imadu’l-Mulk‘isan after whose
name the suburb between Batwa and Rasulabad is named *Isanpur. The name
of this Malik as Malik Isan also ticcurs in the inscription of the mosque
which he had built at Batwa.'*** But in the inscription and in the Arabic His-
tory of Gujarat of Iliajjiu’d-DabJ. *^ it has been transcribed as (^*,-... 1 ) Isan
instead of ( c) ‘Isan as in the Ms. The former two versions arc in Arabic
while the latter is in Persian.
p. 134 L. 2. jA, j folio 75a
(Taj Khan T\G\rimi) (Taj Khan NarpdH)
The important appellation Narpali of Taj Khan, who was a great general of
Mahmud Begadah, as found in the Ms. is not only wrongly put in the printed
text but also Bayley and Lutfulla Faridi have resixx:tively entered it as
Turpnli and Tariani in their translations of the Mirat-i-Sikandari.^^ He is
Chachatai. M. a. Muslim Monuments of Ahmedabad through their Ins-
criptions,” ” Bulletin DCRI2 Vol. Ill, No. 2, pp. 57-8.
Hajjiu’d-Dabir, Arabic History of Gujarat, Ed. by Sir E. Denison Ross,
London, 1928, pp. 17-25.
Bayley, op. cvt. p. 238 and Lutfullah Faridi, p. 145.
A MANUSCRIPT OF THE MIRAT-1-SIKANDARI
133
the samd Taj Khan Narpali who had built the mausoleum of Shah ‘Alam
at Ahmedabad. His name also occurs in the inscription as the builder of the'
mausoleum.^"
p. 135 L. 9. j
(trans. Rani Smmi and the mausole*
um of the Rani is near the Surya
Gate).
folio 77a
(trans. Rani Sabrfft. The mauso-
leum of the Riani is near the
Asrolya Gate).
Tlie inscription of the mv.sque of the same Rani Sabrai which is situated in
the precincts ot he** mausoleum bears the same name Rani Sabral^^ as noted
in the Ms. The mausoleum and mosque of the Rani Sabrai are just near the
Asrolya gate (modern name Astodyla gate).
P. 387 L. 5.
folio 256a
a,-, j I * j\fi ^
This above noted extract concerns the actual place name where MuzafTar HI.
the last Sultan of Gujarat had committed suicide. The printed text says it
is Dhamr^ which has been put as Dharol by Lutfullah Faridi in his
translation of the MiraUuSikandari?^^ But our manuscript’s extract says,
“ at a place named Dhamarka which is at a distance of fifteen kiirvah
(about thirty miles) fiom Bhuj towards Morvi.” Many scholars seeing this
confusion of the printed text did not care to trace the location of this very
imix)rtant place hnicause Dhamr found in the printed text could not lx* identi-
fied. However, Dhamarka which is clearly noted in the Ms. and
which is about thirty miles from Bhuj towards Morvi enables us tr trace it
somewhere in the Cutch and Morvi states of Kathiawar. Fortunately the
supplement of the Mirat-i’Ahwadi has one division Dhamraka in the Sarkar
of Cutch near Bhuj.-'* And further the Survey Map of India also bears the
location of one place named Dhamadka about thirty miles from Bhuj towards
Morvi.^^ PhilologicaJly wt do not find any difference between Dhamarka
and Dhamadka, because Gujaratis generally pronounce Kathiawad while others
call it Kathiawar.
After discussing above a few variant readings to establish the importance
of this manuscript of the MiratA-Sikmdari we may say that a critical edition
of the text with the heip of this manuscript, will, in addition to other obviou^
advantages, help a great deal in correcting the -personal and geograpfiicai
names which are one of the ways of recording the true history of a dynasty.
17 Chaghatai, op. cit. p. 65. /Wrf., p. 73.
19 Faridi, op. cit. p. 327.
20 Mirat-i-Ahmadi, Supplement. (Barocla Ed.) p. 227.
21 Sinvey Map of India, 41.1/3 and 7,c-'2 of Cutch and Morvi states, 1883-84
134
M. A. ClHAGHAtAt
Apart from the above noted statement of variant readings the introductory
remarks of this Ms. (reproduced here (Fig. 3) tell us that the following
three books of Gujarat history were already existing :
1. Tnrikh-i-Ahmcd Shahi^ in verse by Hulvi Shirazi dealing with the
period of Ahmad Shah I.
2. Tmikh4-Mahmud Shdhi by a certain scholar containing the account
from Muzaffar Shah I to Mahmud Begadah.
3. TarikhA-Bahadm Shahi, dealing with the Sultanate of Gujarat up to
the period of Sultan Bahiadur Shah.--
The author Shaikh Sikandar also adds, “ It is clear that they all treat
of events in a spirit of partiality towards the kings of whom they speak,
and are not worthy, therefore, of implicit reliance.”
In addition to the above three histories the introduction of its printed
editions contain two more names :
1. Tdrikh-i-Muzaff{Qr Shahi by one of the worthies dealing with the
period of Sultan Muzaffar I.
2. Tdsrikh-i’Muz^iffar Shdhi by one Mulla about the period of Sultin
Muzaffar Shah II,, son of Mahmud Begadah.
The MirM-i-Ahmadi on Gujarat Sultahate, although a much later com-
pilation, also mentions the first four of these but leaves out the last named
Tdrikh-i-Muzaffar Shdhi. But the MA., in the course of the account of the
campaign by Muzaffar II, in 924 a.h. against Medni Rao of Malwa does
(|Uote from a Tdrikh-i-Muzafjur Shdhi.'"-
There are three Mss. of the Mtrail4-Sikandari in the Library of Nawab Salar
Jang Bahadur, Hyderabad, Deccan, who deserves s'ncere thanks for kindly per-
mitting us to study them on the spot. They are entered in the list as Nos. 4043,
4044 and 4254. Only the last one's first two leaves are missing. The introduction
of others bear the mention of only three books on Gujarat as that of the Ms.
described here.
1*3 Mirat4-Ahmadi. Vol. I, pp. 41. 64.
Fig. 1. Frontispiece bearing the
autoRraph of rtimadu’d-Dowla.
Fig 2. — Last paRc of the Ms
beannR colophon.
r "
Fig. 3. — First two pages of the text bearing introduction.
SIVAjrS RAID ON BASRUR
By
T. S. Shejwalkak
* I have not been a more beautiful country than this, and an old fort,
situated a little higher ud than the town commands one of the finest pros-
ixicts that I ever beheld.’ So wrote Dr. F. Buchanan^ in his diary on the
15th February, 1801, when he visited Kundapur in his journey on the Mala-
bar and Canara Coast. We had an opportunity to behold the sanx' panorama
from the same fort on the 27th March, 1942 and formed the same opinion
about the beauty of the land and the haunting vision of the incomparable
prospect. A more famous and historic perse ^ had also paid a visit to the
place much earlier than Dr. Buchanan, in the second week of February,
1665. But he does not seem to have bothered about the line view. He came,
he gathered, and he sailed away in hurry, before he could find time to take
a stroll to the commanding height of the old fort and admire the scene like
us idle mortals. Need we say that the famous person was none other than
Sivaji, the daring Maratha hero, who for once, and once only— had carried
his daring to the waves. No other Maratha sovereign is recorded to have
dared the sea again.
Verily Sivaji was ‘ the last great constructive genius and nation-buildei
that the Hindu race has produced.’^ His genius illumined everything or
which it cast its rays. Even the great Mughals, who aspired to rule the whole
of India, never thought of creating a navy of their own, though they appoint-
ed the already ^ablished Sidi as their admiral royal. Sivaji, on the other
hand, began his political career by almost simultaneously establishing the
two arms of war, the army and the navy. By the time his first great rever-
berating success over Afzalkhan was resounding in 1659, his naval construc-
tion at Kalyan had also begun to cause anxiety to the Portuguese,” the most
firmly established naval power on the Western seaboard of India. They tried
to stultify the effort by blocking its exit to the sea, and this they were effec-
tively able to do, as they held the sea-coast lands from Daman to Chaul in
the north Kohkaii;!. Southward the Sidi of Janjira blocked SivajI’s path with
his impregnable sea-girt fort, to take which Sivaji opened talks with the new
still unestablishcd English merchants.* Next year ( 1660) he took Dabhol poil
and raided Rajapur,’^ the chief port in south Kohkan. In 1661 he conquered
the whole region by defeating the local Hindu chiefs'^ feudatory to Bijapui.
1 Buchanan, A Journey through Mysore, Cmara and Malabar, (1807)
Vol. Ill, P. 105. ^ Sarkak, Shivaji, (1929) p. 405.
•• Shiva-Charita-Pradeep, p. 178 ’ SHva^halin-patrasdra-Smgraha, No. 791.
ibid, 800. ” ibid, 848.
BULLBTIN U. C. R. 1. VOL. IV,
II
i36
t. S. SHEJWALKAK
Side by side he had to defend his northern possessions in Poona and Kolaha
districts against the able Mughal Viceroy Shaista Khan and his daring gene-
rals. In 1663 iSivajI cut off that general’s fingers and made him run for life.*
The same year saw him pushing himself southward still and grappling with
Khem Savant at Kudal^ and Vengurla port. Feeling intensely the want of
a safe cover for his nascent navy, he began to build the later famous island
fort of Suvarpadurg near the village of Harnai with its twin fort on the land
opposite. The new naval fort was already completed’^ by 1664, as the Dutcn
records testify,, and acted as a check to the southward moves of the Sidi at
Janjira. 'J’hc Portuguese were unable to check this southward drive of Sivaj:
ill dangerous proximity to their capital city of Goa, because they were at thi?
time engaged in deadly combat with the rising power of the Dutch, to whom
they lost all their southern possessions in Malabar from Cannanore to
Quilon.^'’
For carrying out his ambitious project of establishing an inclepcnckn'
Hindu Kingdom in face of the strongly established Muslim powers, Sivaji
urgently needed money, the first sinew of war. After gaining ports and build-
ing ships he tried to secure money by engaging himself in trade, by sending
ships laden with Indian produce to Arabia and Persia.*^ But income from
this source was precarious on account of the rivalry of Euroix*an merchants
trading in the East. He therefore had recourse to non-economic sources of
collecting wealth by plundering raids on the wealthy cities of the enemy
])owers. Thus he attacked Surat’- in January 1664 and carried away immense
booty to finance the schemes of expansion and consolidation of his tiny king-
dom. It appears that he had used his ships* ^ to carry away a part of the*
booty of Surat. Sivaji invested this money in building new naval forts^'^ on
the Ratnagiri coast and building new ships.*" The report of the building of
sixty new ships and keeping in readiness a flotilla of 40 fast-sailing ships
gave rise to various rumours about Sivaji’s next target*^ and created terror
in the minds of all the potentates on the western coast. Dame Rumour cir-
culated the news that he had secretly recruited .50 thousand foot-soldiers and
10 thousand horsemen** in the rainy season of 1664 (June to September). 'Vhv
Dutch thought his intention was to attack some port near Vengurla. Thi*
Mughal governor of Surat*‘* feared an invasion of his territories. But 'Sivaji
kept his objective a close secret throughout the monsoon months. But it"
November his objective became clearer when he sent four of his ships towards
the port of Bhatkal*^ in Canara. He already advanced to the borders of Goa
after burning Vengurla*'* to ashes. Interested ix'oplc, naturally thought his
7 ibid. 930. ibid. 933, 959. ” - rbui. 1023.
*" ibid. 926, 928, 933. n ibid. 917-18, 1002, 1043.
*2 ibid. 966, 968, 970, 973, 975. ibid. 972, 977.
ibid. 1023 and Sane^atren-Yudi-V<aifiahe, No. 421.
15 Shwa-Kdlin-Patre-Sdra-Sangruha, Nos. 1011, 1023.
*« ibid. No. 1023. *• ibid. No. 1010. *•'' ibid. No. 1019.
1’* ibid. No. 1015, 1020.
givAji’S RAD ON BASRUR
137
objective to be Canara, either on his own account, or as a counter-move to
the ambitions of Bijapur and the Portuguese. But his southward progress
was checked by the Bijapur general KhavSskhan^^ and Sivaji had to retrace
his steps back to Phonda fort.^f* As a counter-move to this, SiviajJ suddenly
attacked Hubli®^ and some other towns up the ghats and gained immense
loot at the beginning of December. He next came back to Kohkaaj and
v^atched for an opportunity to swoop down on *^016 rich virgin prize. The
longed for opportunity soon presented itself to this lucky hero*. He led a
naval expedition to Basrur, the chief port of the Bednur Nayak in South
Canara and returned with good booty.
.§iviajrs succesr was due to his choosing a good time and a proper placf.
The port of Basrur was the port royal of the newly consolidated state ol
Bednur situated in the uplands of Canara, in the north-west corner of the
present Mysore State. The Nayaks of Bednur were at first the Chiefs of
Kejadi under the Vijayanagar Empire and were always styled as such. They
' The Fort of Basrur
From Faria Y. Sausa's Aaa Portuguesa (1674) Vol. II.
(Copied from the Rev. H. Heras’ article in Indian Antiquary)
were also known as the Ikkeri Nayaks from their capital town, the Ikkcn
lions (gold coins) being commonly current in the accounts of the south foi
two centuries. Sivappa Nayak was the most valiant as well as the mo-t
sagacious of the rulers of this line. First as a general under Virabhadra
2^ ibid. No. 1021.
21 ibid. No. 1024, 1029, 1043,
138
T. S. SHEJWALKAR
N^yak and later on (1645-60) as a Nayak himself, he carried on the con-
quest of the surrounding territories till his conquests stretched from the Tudri
river south of the Gokariia shrine in the north, to Nileswar^^ on the (borders
of Malabar and Coor^ in the south, with their corresponding uplands on the
western border of Mysore. He had taken full advantage of the presence of
the last titular but fugitive Emperor of Vijayanagar at his capital to legalise
his conquests under his name. To this Emperor he assigned a small portion
of the conquests to the north of Mysore and fought for his restoration as a
loyal baron.2- But Mustapha Khan the Bijapur general, and Mir Jumla^-*
the Golconda general, combined in ousting Sri Ranga Rayulu, the Emjjeror,
from the eastern coast, and his co-barons of Jinji, Tanjore, Madura and
Mysore selfishly declared themselves independent. §ivappa then concentrated
on the conquest of the Canara lowlands on the western sea-board. This land
was ruled by a number of local chieftains, sometimes acknowledging the suze-
rainty of powerful neighbours. The maritime supremacy for the whole coast
v/as claimed by the Portuguese from the sixteenth century. But their supre-
macy was now challenged by the Dutch. The various potentates in South
India were instigated ahd helped by the Dutch to throw off and disacknow-
ledge the maritime supremacy of the Portuguese. The Golconda State on the
east coast first challenged the Portuguese pretensions. §ivappa Niayak had
already conquered most of Canara, and now provoked even the Portuguese
by laying siege to their naval forts. lie took Barcelor (Basrur) by June,
1652, and Cambolim (Gangoli) in the October following. Mangalore was
taken next year, and Honawar,'^'*^ after a siege lasting more than two years,
in 1654. The Portuguese were unable to defend because they were engaged
in the defence of Ceylon, which was finally taken by the Dutch in 1656. Adil
Shah of Bijapur also seized the opportunity by invading Goa in 1654, after
an interval of eighty-five years, when he heard of the destruction of the Portu-
guese ships by the Dutch off Aohra (between Devgad and Mialvan) and their
blockade of Goa^’ itself in May, 1654. The Portuguese had come down from
their high estate in the sixteenth century and now sued for peace on humble
terms with Bijapur. They asked Adil Shah to intercede for them in their
quarrels with Sivappa and order the restoration of Barcelore, Cambolim and
Mangalore to the Portuguese'^ again. Adil Shah was treating all the Nayaks
of the defunct Vijayanagai as his vassals and was chafing against the semi-
indej^endent attitude of Sivappa. He' readily entered into an agreement with
the Portuguese and threatened the N^yak of Bedriur, evidently with no effect.
The English people were always on good terms with the Portuguese. As
a new power, they had to make common cause with the weak Portuguese
against the aggressive Dutch. Thus they had themselves to thank for invit-
ing the Dutch over England during CromwelFs rule. Having driven the
^2 iind. No. 990. s.-i Lewis Rice, Mysore (1897), 2.432-35.
Shiva-Kaim-Patra^ra-Sangraha, No. 663.
ibid. No. 668, ibid. Nos. 675, 681,
2- ibid. No. 668,
SiVAJi’S RAID ON BASRIJR
139
Portuguese from the south of India, the Dutch proceeded to conquer Malabar
also. They captured Quilon, Cranganore, Cochin and Cannanore®^ between
1661-63 and thus broke the backbone of the Portuguese power in India. They
were going to occupy the Canara ports of the* Portuguese also, but were held
over by the signing of peace in Europe, which was published in India on
14th March, 1663, for thel death of Sivappa in 1660 (and not in October,
1662 as Sir J. Sarkar has taken it) had let loose the flood of cupidity amongst
various claimants to the Nayakship of Bednur by taking away a* strong hand
from the help of the State. The kingdom was usurped by Venkatappa,-®
brother of 6ivapi>a, setting aside the son Bhadrappa. Adil Shah sent his
general Sidi Johar (Salabat Khan) to secure a heavy succession fee^** from
the claimant to the State, at tha beginning of 1661. Venkatappa was driven
away later on and Bhadrappa^*' succeeded as the true successor. He was a
raw youth in his teens and the real ruler was his old minister Mallappa Malu.
The chief of Sonda whose possessions had been usurped by Sivappa now
appealed to Bijapur for redress. Adil Shah invaded^’ Bednur in January.
1663, with Bahlolkhan and Sahaji the father of ^ivajl, as chief generals.
Mallappa'^- sought help from the EHitch in the form of 2,0(X) trained troops
or 48 thousand pounds of gun powder and 3 cannons of 36 lbs. calibre. But
the hands of the Dutch were tied by the new peace and they could not inter-
fere in the Portuguese spheres of influence. Bhadrappa was obliged to restore
Sonda to its chief and pay a tribute of seven lakhs gold hons-^'^ to Bijapur.
After the return of Adil Shah to Bijapur, Mallappa sought the alliance*^
of the Portuguese to ward off the attacks on the Bednur territories. He agreed
to return to them all their former posts except Honawar.'*’* He personally
proceeded to Goa at the beginning of 1664 with a present of 6,TO0 fardles
( loads of rice. The negotiations dragged on for some time, but an un-
toward event took place at Bednur during Mallappa’s absence, Bhadrappa
seems to have died suddenly (poisoned?) and even his infant son done to
death by the Brahmins"" of the place (probably on account of certain alleged
atrocities against their order indulged in by the youthful king). The Portu-
guese at once prepared to take full advantage' of Mallappa’s offer and to send
shipsr’^ to occupy the various ports. Adil Shah ordered Bahlolkhan of Banka-
pur and Said Iliyas Sarza Khan^^ to invade and occupy Bednur territories
up and down the ghats. Meanwhile Mallappa also died of malignant fever
at Goa on 3rd July, 1664. Taking advantage of these troubles, theNayar chiefs
of Malabar also tried to seize the territories to the south of Mangalore.^®
The Portuguese took possession of Barcelore and Mangalore against the
interested protests of the Dutch, who contended that the posts should not be
as ibid. Nos. 926, 928, 933. No. 845.
30 ibid. No. 940. ibid. No. 915. ^2 (bid. No. 940.
33 ibid. No. 937. ibid. No. 980. 3.-. ii,id. No. 988.
3« English Records m Shiva ji, 1. 82, note. No. 82.
38 Shiv-KdUn-Patra-Sdra^San^raha, No. 1013.
39 ibid. No. 988, ibid. No, 999,
146
t. S. SHEJWALKAR
alienated to the Portuguese during the minority of the new boy king/^ Soma
gekhar Niayak, younger brother of Bhadrappa. Just when these troubles were
coming to a head iSivajl razed Vengurla to the ground (October, 1664) and
threatened both the Dutch and the Portuguese with an invasion of Goa/^
He sent four scout ships to the port of Bhatkal to acquaint himself first-
hand with the geography and ix)litics of the Canara coast (November.
1664), as already related above.
Though the Portuguese had nominally succeeded in planting their flags
on their old dilapidated forts*-' along the Canara coast, they were not in a
[X)sition to repair the fortifications or to provide them with guns and ammuni-
tion for proper defence, because their treasury was empty by loss of trade
and customs, and their attention had for the moment been directed to the
north in the affair of Bombay. The island of Bombay had been given to
Charles II of England as part of the dowry of Catherine in 1661. But the
Portuguese officers in India who were deadly against this transfer had
managed to delay the legal transfer up to 1665 by raising all sorts of objec-
tions.*"* They tried their utmost, to make the Portuguese king change his
mind and take' back the gift. The Portuguese* Viceroy, wlien obliged by the
peremptory order of his king to sign the order of transfer, still persisted in
recording his adverse opinion*^* and warned the king of the disastrous conse-
quences that would follow. By an order signed by the Viceroy at Goa on
14th January, 1665, Bombay was at Iasi handed^* over to the English on 8th
February,, 1665, and on the same day .sivaji took th( opportunity to sail out
from MMand to Basrur, passing along the Goa coast without any molestation
ffom the Portuguese.
The place from which SivajT started on his exf>edition is generally taken
as M&lvan even by scholars like Sir J. Sarkar, Sardesai and others, and if
we take into account only the broad locality as opposed to the actual place of
start, there is no cause for disagreement with these scholars. But they are
wrong in taking Mawlunda,*^ the place named in the Factory Records' des-
patch from Karwar, as Malvan, a small hamlet without any port facilities at
that time. Mawlunda is to be identified with the tidal inner port of Maland,
which properly agrees with it in pronunciation, and is situated in the Kala-
vali creek which opens to the sea just to the north of the present town of
Malvan, a creation of later days. For one thing Malvan was never a good
safe i3ort in the real sense. The creation of a safe’ retreat for ships under the
cover of guns from the island fort of Sindhudurga and its adjunct on the
ma'inland, was a laborious as well as precarious device for sheltering ships
at best, piloting through the meandering rocky channels as they had to be
taken in. The Kalavali estuary on which Maland stands fifteen miles inland
is very peculiarly shaixid. The river at first runs east to west like most
ibid. No. 1015. *2 jffid. No. 1019.
*2 Danvers, Portuguese in India, 2.304. ibid. 2. 331.
ibid. 2. 335-43. Shiva-KaUn-PatrehSara-Sangraha, No. 1027,
ibid. No. 1036, English Records on Shivaji, No. 107,
^IVAjrS RAID ON BASROR
141
streams in Konkao. But when just approaching sea, it makes a right angle
to its original course, runs north to south, then opening into the sea to the
north of Sarjekot, a fortilice built later on at the north jutting ena of Malvan
town, to guard both the mouth of the estuary as well as the anchoring port
of Mdlvan on the open sea. The long tongue of narrow land which guards
the mouth of the Ivalavali estuary from north to south seems originally to
have bc'^'n a sandy bar which later on silted into land, a phenomenon com-
monly to be seen on sea-coasts. The new ships which sivaji built and equip*
ped in the Rajapur and Kliarepatan rivers in the monsoon of 1664 he seems
to have collected in the sheltering Kalavali creek, away from the gaze nf
foreign merchants ♦o guard tlieir secrets. Perhaps he must have transported
troops and provisions to Maland before \vi began his southern drive from
Kudal to the Canara border. Maland was already a ix)rt of considerable
trade and in the eigliteenth century it was a fortified don of Malvan pirates.
This proves its suitability as a guarded shelter for sliips. All things consider-
ed, there seem? no cause to doubt the reference of Kaiwar factors that Sivaji
started from Mawlunda i.e. Maland. Not only in the seventeenth, but even
in the eighteenth century, the whole coast from Devgad to Malvan was called
the ‘country of Mollondi ’ by the European gwgraphers (Vide A Geo^}C‘
lihical Illustration of the Map of India by William Hkrbkrt, I..ondon, 1759,
p. 41),
It is however true that isivajl selected th(' rocky site of his fort Sindini'
rltirg and began its building while he was sojourning in this locality in the
very’ same year. In his movements along the coast, he chanced to sec the
barren island called Kurten and took a fancy for the site. On the 25th of
November. 1664 the foundation stone*’' was ceremonially laid down and the
fort named Sindhudurga. The work was carried out under the su|XJrvision of
one Govind Vishwanath Prabhu who is found styled Bandarnivis an 1 Jahaj
nivis (i.e. poit-clerk and ship-clerk) in an original document"*’ of 1705. He
SiH‘ms to have been a resident of Kumbharjuven- ^ in Goa and probably uti-
lised the services of some Portuguese engineers and masons.-’ It took tnree
years to build the fort, and its political life bc^gan from 1668 only, when
young Ramchandrapant Amatya was apix)intcd its fir^t Sabnivis.'‘“
iSivaji ‘ boarded tlie ship ’ - ’ on the 8th February, 1665 at Maland and
started on the expedition to Basnir. He had with him three big ships and
eighty-live small frigates.-' ‘ This fleet passc'd along the Goa coast witlwHil
any molestation from the Portuguese, who had theii attention centred on
Bombay at that time. Passing along the north Canara coast and leavinr
Karwar, Honavar and Bhatkal behind, the fleet approached its destination
in the Kundapur creek of the South Canara district of the Madras Presi-
dency, covering a distance of some two hundred miles in four or five davr.
4u §ane,-- Patreti-Yddi No. 421. Kajwade,
Chitmupta^-Shivaji Bakhar, p. 133. Sabnis, Barda Daftar, 1.6.
w Shiva-CharitrorPradeeps p. 51. English Records on Shivaii, T107.
142 T. shejwAlkAk
The raid on Basrur thus seems to have taken place on 13th or 14th February.
1665.
iSivaji’s earlier survey expedition sent in November, 1664 with four
ships seems to have fully acquainted itself with the whole coast line of
Canara, with its numerous creeks and estuaries with sandy bars at their
mouths opening into the sea. The ojjen sea was also dotted here and there
with low sunken rocks. The continual silting process going on from time
immemorial has created the fertile alluvial coastal strips along these coasts.
They have now practically choked the rivers and made them unserviceable
for ship traffic. Some three hundred years ago, all the famous ports along the
western sea-board of India were situated inland in the shelter of the creeks,
at ix)ints up to which high tides would carry the ships. This aspect changed
with the coming of the Portuguese. They tried to blockade the ix>rts for
controlling them and for that purpose selected points of vantage along the
sea-coast at the mouths of the estuaries. They built forts at thCvSe entrances
and under the cover of their guns regulated the trade as they liked. Basrur
town is situated five miles inland on the southern bank of the Kundapur
creek. The present town of Kundipur is situated two miles inland on the
same bank of the river and not twelve miles north of Basrur as Sir Jadunath
has wrongly understood in his ‘ sivaji On the north bank of the estu-
ary Gangoli is situated along the sea-coast at the entrance, and being less
silted, is the chief ix)rt of the creek at present, from which goods are carried
across to the south at Kundiapur in shallow bottoms.
No description of the raid on Basrur is available. It seems from the
few lines in the Sabhasad Bakhar (2nd Ed., p. 55) that iSivaji reached
Basrur early in the morning and began his attack before the population knew
what had happened. There is no mention of any hindrance from anybody,
showing that the whole area was more or less unguarded. The small Portu-
guese fort’^ at Kundapur guarding the entrance to Basrur povi also seems
Sarkar. Shivaji, 3rd Ed., p. 238, note.
It ivS curious to note here that a scholar ol the eminence of Kev. H. IliiitAs
has, after visiting Kundapur and Basmr personally, confused the site of the old
Hindu (and Muslim under Tipu) mud-fort of Basrur with the Portuguese Fortaliza
De Barcalor, which he rightly decides to have been situated in modern Kundapur
on the strength of the map he reproduces from Faria Y. Soussa’s Asw Portugmsa,
Vol. 2. The ancient town of Basrur was no doubt walled and hence perhaps wrong-
ly called a fort. But there seems to have been a separate fort outside the town
also, to judge from the descriptions copied in Danvbr’s The Porluguov iti India,
Vol. 1, pp. 545-47. In 1569, when the Portuguese first attacked it, the King of
Tulava’s Captain of Barcelor betrayed the fort to the Portuguese, as previously
arranged. After taking possession of the fort at night, the Portuguese rudied on
the town. Next day the kings of Tulava and Gangoli attacked the fort in strength,
with the result that the Portuguese had to leave it with honours of war. To re
trieve this defeat, the Poruguese Viceroy personally came to Barcelor, took it back
and imposed a heavy tribute on the two kings who had again attacked it. Later on
this Hindu fort seems to have been left by the Portuguese, who then spent “ more
than a month in building a new fortress in a more convenient place, between the
SIVAJI^S RAID ON BASRUR
143
ungarrisoned at this time. Had the enemy wished to stop the entrance ol
the Maratha fleet, it would have offered resistance at Gangoli point. After
the entrance, it could have been attacked from the fort just mentioned. The
ramparts of the old Hindu mud-fort were the only high points along the
southern bank and guns firing from them would have' effectively stopped the
ships from proceeding to the Basrur quay. It is not known how many of
sivaji’s eighty-five frigates had proceeded upstream and how many had been
left behind to guard the entrance to the creek or at high sea. Noi* is it known
where they actually anchored before landing troops to lead the attack. For
besides the north side of Basrur where the chief quay is situated, ships could
have anchored also on the west side of Basrur, where an arm of the estuary
went two miles deep from north to the south. The old Basrur town was
situated along the water front for more than a mile. To the south-east side
of the town is a hill of sharp ascent on which probably stood a fort in eaily
Hindu times ; for, the remains and the ruins on the hill point to such a fact.
The ruins of an ancient temple or rather monastery called Guppi Sadananda
are still visible and the local people say it belonged to an esoteric order like
the Gorakhpanth of Yogins. The richest part of the town, however, was still
at the foot of the hill around the ancient shrines of Mahalingesvara built by
Vasuchakravarti (Vasupur — Basrur), after whom the town is named and
Venkataramana with its big tank. Even the present town with its ruined
houses and ancient looking lanes impresses the visitor as an old place. Cci-
tain sociological features of the town like an ancient colony of courtezans :mtl
the various engravings and paintings on the temple-walls prove it to have l)crn
a place of rich merchants and prosperous citizens. As far as the situation of
the town is concerned, there could be few such charming places with beautiful
surroundings. Islands and islets'''" have grown out of the water in the front
creek. The original width of the river was a milt or so, but a big isl.md two
miles long and a quarter mile broad now lies mid-stream in front of the
whole length of Basrur. It is named Hattikudru (cotton isle) while the river
is named the Haladi river. Then down the stream two miles, just opposite
city (Basrur) and the mouth of the river (i.e. somewhere in Kundapur) This
fortress was taken by ^ivappa Nayak in 1652, reoccupied by the Portuguese in
October 1664 according to the promise of Mallappa the minister, and finally dis-
mantled in 1712 by Vasco Fernandes (Danvers 2.376). The old Hindu fort was
perhapsi never revived but Tipu seems to have built on the same site, as it was a
very good point of vantage from the military point of view, situated at the angle
corner of the main river and its southward arm as it is. It was from the favour*
able height of this old fort that Buchanan beheld the finest prospect, quoted at the
beginning of this article. It is shown on the maps with an asterisk mark. Iht'
land of this mud-fort was in the possession of the Muslim descendanl of Tipu
keeper of the fort, from whom the Qiristian gentleman now in possession has
bought it. The description given by Father Herns on p. 183, Indian Antiquary'
Vol. 59 (1930), can only apply to the site of Tipu’s fort which cannot be the
same as the Portuguese fort lower down the river at a considerable cfistance from
the arm of the creek. (Refer to Faria Y. Sousa's nSap, 1674.)
Please see the accompanying map for clear understanding.
BUt.L£TlK' D. C. R. I. VOL. IV.
19
144
T. S. SHEJWALKAR
modem Kundapur, is situated Herikudm (great isle), another island grown
out of the river. Opposite to Herikudru on the westemside is Gangoli, between
Rivr^
j H— ^U peiNAKUDRU^
PRTE ROC K’y;^
K-inx-
Basrur and its surroundings
which two rivers the* Kolluru and the Chakranadi jointly discharge their
waters from the north and form to a great distance upstream what looks like
an inner lake. In the bay formed at their mouth is situated a curiously shaped
SIVAJI’S RAID ON BASRUR
145
sandy island called Uppinakudru (salt isle). Besides these three big islanJr
named there are half a dozen small islets with an equal number cf high sand
banks which have still not attained to a colonizing stage, because the waters
of the three rivers meet in this one creek with only one narrow' outlet to the
sea. Even this narrow opening to the sea is obstructed by a long bar of sand
on the south side aqd these bars have a tendency to change their places from
year to year according to the, greatness or otherwise of the river floods from
the inside and sea-tides on the other side. That Sivaji was able -to make an
entrance without foundering in the middle, means that he had secured local
pilots and guides. Otherwise it seems well-nigh impossible for a stranger to
suddenly enter, raid the to.vn in a short time and return bad; to the sea with
all the loot, made up of not only cash and bullion, but of cloth and grain?
and spices, and probably some horses too brought there for sale by the Arai^
ships. The time of this laid as far as can be calculated was in the liist week
after new moon, and therefore it was possible for the ships to go up at higli
tide early in the morning, so as to reach Basrur before daybreak and thus sur-
prise the inhabitants in their beds.
Sivaj! had perhaps selected this time just after the Mahasivaratri fast,
because pilgrims had probably gathered around the shrine of Mahalihgesvar
and merchants had collected good cash by selling their wares to them. Tin
loot at Basrur is variously valued, but even the lowest figure of one crore
hons looks preposterous, though it is very difficult to nami' the figure with
any chance of near accuracy. One thing is certain that iSivaji nevei led an>
expeditions unless he was sure of collecting gcxid booty in a short time with-
out much loss. He showed still greater care in safely carrying his booty
back to his strong forts. He had to arrange for a safe convoy for his loot
and lx\sides to fight his way back in his retu^at. His intelligence department
seems to be highly efficient, his precalculations highly accurate and pie-
arrangements minutely settled to a ix>int. After his raid on Basrur-’^ he seem?
to have made short-notice raids on other coastal towns also, notably Bhatkal
and Honavar, though there is no mention of the fact in any original authority.
Clear it is that he dispatched the main part of his fleet back to his dominions
with a safe convoy of armed ships and himself broke journey at Gokarpa (on
18fh February?) with only twelve frigates (out of a total of eighty -eight
sail) and four thousand foot-soldiers. At Gokarna he performed the pilgrim’s
rites and proceeded to Ankola by land, his twelve frigates helping to trails
port his troops across the rivers and creeks. He reached Karwar on 22 ikI
February^-* after the Holi festival, and thus had taken just a fortnight to go
through the whole business from his start.
Basrur had become the chief port of the coast only after the capital
been shifted from Ikkeri to the north of the Shravati river, to Bidruru or Bednur on
the south side of it, in 1638. Honawar and Bhatkal were the ports of Ikkeri, but
Basrur the only port for Bednur, connected by the nearest pass of Hos Angady
(new mart) opening between the sources of two rivers.
English Records on Shiva ji, 1.107.
146
T. S. SHEJWALKAR
Sivaji had been expected to come down to Gokanja, so as to be in time
there for the great Sivaratri festival (3rd February) by the English in Janu-
ary. But he seems to have avoided that time both for Basrur and Gokaroa,
both great places of Siva worship. This means he had no intention of com-
ing in the way of devout Hindu pilgrims, though he would not leave the
merchants profiting from the pilgrimage scot-free. At Karwar he threatened
both the English merchants and the Muslim governor Sher Klian, who un-
willingly offered him some gifts. He was not satisfied with this response
and charged Sher Khan*®^ with having spoiled his Holi festival (which had
fallen on 19th February), during which orthodox Marat has indulged in petty
thieving, cutting costly jokes and great bonfires, sivaji had already sent
back his main fleet. The Mughal general Jaysingh had already arrived in
the Deccan and Siviaji was naturally apprehensive of his designs. Under these
circumstances he was not in a position to spend time in these trifling matters
and so he left Karwar the very next day, on 23rd February, for h.ome. Hr
seems to have taken the direct north route via the present Ckia territories to
reach liis destination, for he was rejxirted to have liecn at Bhimgac!**'* (Bin-
gur) on the crest of the Sahyiadri range, due east of old Goa.
Never again Sivaji seems to have boarded a ship. It is not known whether
this one si^a-voyage convinced him of the attendant risks of such voyages and
so dissuaded him from entering the waters again ; or no occasion arose foi
such a unique adventure. But this one extradition certainly gave him an
inside view of seamanship and later on he seems to have utilized it to the
full. He seems to have spent almost half his fortune in building and streng-
thening his navy and naval forts. The one desiie of his which remained un-
fulfilled to his last days (and ever after during the whole Maratha period}
was the taking of the island rock-fort of Janjira by rooting out the Sidi. This
became impossible by the* presence of the English in Bombay, to which haven
they came on the very same day that sivaji started on his only naval expedi-
tion, on the 8th February, 1665. Astrologically-minded people may see in
the event something specially deciding the future of India, as iSivaji’s newly
started Maratha ship never reached the desired haven, while that of thu
foreign English adventurers did. Verily, unscrutable are the stars !
The poet Paramananda in his Homeric jxx'm on the early exploits of
sivaji (styled Anu-puram by the poet but popularly known as Siva-\Bhmala)
says
cwi ii ii s « ii
Trans. — ‘ He got possession of all the hoards of wealth, brought under
his rule all the citizens, and laid under tribute the Lord of thf^
rivers (i.e. the sea) also, by his prowess.'
Sivaji had justified his claim to the encomium of his poet by his naval
laid on Basrur.
ibid. 1 . 107 .
GURJARA-PRATIHARA MONUMENTS: A STUDY IN
REGIONAL AND DYNASTIC DISTRIBUTION OF
NORTH INDIAN MONUMENTS
By
H. D. Sankaha
Ancient monuments of the north and south India have, as the writer has
pointed out before,^ been studied to a great extent by a number of scholars.
But not so the early mediaval. A search for and study of the various |X)St-
Haii$a monuments of Northern India will thrnw light not only on the evolu-
tion of distinctive mediaeval architectural] styles, but also on various cultural
aspects, sculpture, cults, iconography and religion. With this end in view
tliC writei first dealt with the dynasties and monuments of Gujarat and Ka-
thiawar.® He would now propose to devote his attention to all those early
mediaeval dynasties— Gurjara-Pratiharas, Candratreyas, Paramiaras, Haihayas
and others -which ruled over parts of Rajputana, Central India, the Central
Provinces and United Provinces.
Of these’ dynasties, the Gurjara-Pratihara dynasty was not only the old-
est or earliest but the most powerful. Beginning to wield some influence
in Rajputana by the 7th century, it came into prominence under Nagabhatta
I and Vatsaraja before the close of the 8th century. With the acquisition
of extensive dominions the capital was shifted from Bhinnamala t'^ Jabali-
pur (Jalor'), thence to Avanti and finally to Klanyakubja, the heart of Madh-
yade&i. Bhoja I and Mahendrapala ruled over practically the whole of
Northern India - from Bihar and parts of Bengal in the east to KSthiSwar
in the west ; from Kuruksetra in the north to Mailwa in the south. Trying
to keep control over these far-flung dominions, the dynasty came into conflict
with the Palas in the' east, the Rastraklutas in the south and the Arabs on the
west, whom for a couple of centuries they chedeed from penetrating into
India. Retieatedly attacked and often defeated by the Ra^trakutas, it suc-
cumbed at la(st to the new forces that grew up in the Madhyade&i, After
Rajyapala, who capitulated to Mahmud of Ghazna in 1018 a.d. and who was
subsequently killed in a battle with the Candella forces, the dynasty ceased
to be a major power, though his successors continued to rule parts of the
United Provincesi
> Anmds oj the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Inslitule, XXI, 1941, pp. 213-18.
s The Archeology of Gujaral, Bombay 1941.
'■> According to the KuwdayamSUi. see Jinavijayaji Muni. EHiaratiya Vidya,
II, ii. p. 217.
148
H. D. SANKALIA
So far only political and partly cultural study has been made of this
dynasty^, but none ardwedogical. This is long overdue and its importance
caimot be overemphasized. As the immediate successors of Harsa, the Gur-
jara-Pratihiaras must have been directly influenced by the then prevailing
ardiitectural styles in different piarts of Northern India, which must have
been the followers, to a great extent, of the Gupta. How far they adopted
these local Gupta' styles, and how far they departed from them, whether this
diange was regional or due to new ideas can be ascertained if we compare the
monuments ofi the Gurjara-Pratihara period with those of the earlier period.
But before we attempt this comparison it is necessary to get definite speci-
mens of the Gurjara-Pratihara monuments. So far none* has been known as
such because though a number of monuments have been reported from the
places once ruled by this dynasty, their exact chronological and dynastic sig-
nificance is not known because no correlation has been made between the epi-
graphidal and the archaeological evidence.
Up to now about 40 inscriptions of the Gurjara-Pratihiaras themselves
and of their feudatories have! been found. It is perhaps remarkable that a
number of these inscriptions refer to the existing temples or to the construc-
tion of new temples, and at times to other monuments. The writer has col-
lected and analysed all these references and shown them, in the appendix.
The appendix gives (1) the nature of the temple, (2) the place where
it was situated (according to the information given in inscriptions), (3) the
name's of the i:)ersons who built or patronizt'd the tcmfile and whtti, (4) in-
dications of the existence of monuments which vSurvive till to-day, according
to the archseological survey reports made by Cunningham, Dr. D. R. Bhan-
DARKAR.! Banerji and others.
While at present the infoimation in the appendix testifies to a wide des-
tribution of the monuments, almost conterminus with the dominion govern-
ed by some of the powerful members of the dynasty, and to the general eclec-
ticism in religious matters, with a special Idaning towards Vi'§iiiu, (there are
references to 8 temples of Visiiju, 1 temple of Vi^aiu and other gods,
2 temples of V^u and goddesses, 1 temple of Siva, 1 temple
of a goddess, 2 temples of Surya, 2 temples of Jina), 'we are not in
a position to ascertain the special features of the Vi?nu or other cults. The
Inference to a large number of Vispu temples might suggest that during the
Gurjara-Pratihara period’ Vi^Rju worship was popular as it was during the
Gui>ta. If archseological evidence confirms this inference, it would be yet
another cultural trait besides that in administration which was derived from
the Guptas and carried over to the early mediaeval period as far as north-
ern India is concerned.
It now remains to visit the sites, wherever the monuments arc said to be
* See Tripathi, R. S., The Hi$t<ny of Kanmj to the MusHtft Conquest, 1937.
CURJARA-PRATtHARA MONUMENTS ; A STUDY 149
built, — and study those monuments whidx are referraUe to the Gurjara-Prati-
hara Kings themsdves. Only then it will be possible to seardi for similar
other monumdnts and ascertain the nature and distribution of Gurjara-Prati-
hara monuments.^
0 This pa por was read at the InUian History Congress, held at Hyderabad,
in December 1941.
150
H. D. SANKALIA
GURJARA-PRATIHARa MOlWMttlTS : A sn»v
8-8“ S:
■f- s .§ s
lal^:
^ bo ^
llli^
b)
^ -S
1 “^!
I
*§ m • ^
jfl^
® u, ^C/)
S sJ*
S § ^ 00
*3 c S
et!
§,
I W ^
C ^ <1^
o .ti x;
g J ^
> •‘•S
< i'a
5 •o
^ 5 g
I
PQ
hS||
P^l i^l
o|5S|-jJs|
H -• :a
a|i6
'^i I
^ af &
Ji
l|z
f l;g
9ULI.ET1K 0. C. %. I. VOL. IV.
Image (of Buddhg). During Mahendrapata's reign, CJuneriya, E.-S., Bihar. AnntuU Report
not dated. ,4S/, p. 124.
GURJARA-PRATIHARA monuments ; A STUDY
1S3
REVIEW
A 'Grammm of the Oldest Kmtarese Inscriptions : A. N, Niarasimhia. Studies in
Dmvidiian Philology— iNo. 1, University of Mysore, xxi, 375, Mysore, Univer-
sity of Mysore, 1941, Price Rs. 2-12-0.
Narasimhia in this book makes an attempt to deal with the grammar of the
old Kanarese inscriptions of the 6th and 7th cent. a.d. The author rightly contends
(p. xii) that ‘ a study of the old Kannada inscriptions will give reliable information
about the grammar of Old Kannada from the earliest timc*s upto the present.’
The demonstration that in Kannada the change of h- < p- seems to have first
occurred in the language of the 10th century as attested by the insaiptional evidence
(p. 2) is quite convincing. Narasimhia further shows that li- < p- had established
itself in almost all the words of the inscriptions by the 16th century (p. 3). In the
14th century,) h- and -it- are fully established in place of p. initial' or intervocalic,
h- < p- had already begun to disappear in the 13th century (pp. 4 and 10) and has
now entirely disappeared in the uneducated vernaculars (p. 5). It is yet to be
investigated whether this is the case in all the local dialects. In the Badaga language
this fe- still remains, but in the absence of a dialect atlas for Kannaida, this survival
of is of no use in dating the advent of the Badagas in the Nilgiris.^ The lists
on pp. 8-9 of
(1) many words still used in colloquial speech (not to speak of literary .
compasition) with an initial p-
(2) of both p and h forms found in use, meaning and usage differentiating
them
(a) from the same root and
{b) from different roots,
suggest that further investigations in greater detail are necessary in this matter.
As against the view that the change of A < p in Kannada is probably due to
the influence of Marathi, I am inclined to ad(^t the view with Narasimhia
(pp. 11-12) that the p-* in Old Kannada was first changed into / and then into
In support of this contention, I wish to cite a few instances here from unrelated langu-
ages where also we meet with this change of k < p. Armenian /zmg, ‘ five * as com-
pared with Sk. poncfl, Gk. pente ; Rottinese hitu ' seven’ < original Indonesian pitu*
The difference in meaning in thc| words with -r- and those with -r- in Old
Kannada as attested by a large number of instances whose list Narasimhia gives
(pp. 23-^24) goes to show that -r- and -r- were two distinct phonemes (and not
phomnic vmimts) in lold Kannaida, even as the alveolar r and the dental r are
distinct phonemes in Tamil.-'» Further in view of tlie fact that we have in Tamil and
Old Kannada the fbllowng instances, wi * a coarse network made of rope or rattan,
in whidi pots and other vessels are suspended from the beams of the house’ um
’to settle’ (O.K.), *to soak* (Tamil), but uru ‘a village, a small town’, ore ‘a
^ Emeneau, The Vowels of the Badaga Language, lanp, 1543
- K. V. Subbaiya, IA 38.145. ^
^ Tuttle, A/P 50.155.
^ R* Brandsetter, An Introduction to htdoneskn Linguistics, tr. by C. O
Blacden, London, 274. Cf, also Suniti Kumar Chatterji, ]RASB 8.144
- Ra»»swaini Aiyar, ]0R 10.253. fn. 2, however observes that in collo
qui^ MiMe Tamil, in literary Telugu and in old Kannada the phoneme r appears
to nave been rewded as the variant of the t phoneme with a ‘ backward'’ noint of
articulation on the mouth-roof.
REVIEW
155
sheath ' but ore ‘ to speak * pare * a drum \ we can easily conclude that in the primi-
tive Dravidian, there were two distinct phonemes r and r (very probably alveolar
and dental in character respectively). This assumption is tenable for wc have in
Malayalam and Telugu too the phoneme r (p. 29). No doubt, initial r is not found
in Tamil or Malayalam. In modem Telugu as in Modem Kannada, initial or inte^
vocalic f is not met with So also in Tuju we do not find it now. Except in the
extreme South, no doubt the distinction between r and r is disappearing in all parts
of the Madras Presidency (p. 30). The symbol for r being used in Old Kannada
inscriptions for representing the upadhmamya breathing before -/>- (p. 34) may have
been perhaps due also to this phoneme being a partial Aytam correspondent.®
The equations Narasimhia posits between certain Pr DraVidian, phonemes and
the old Kannada r under different conditions (pp. 35-41) from a comparison of
Tamil-Malayalam-Telugu-Tulu correspondences deserve much consideration.
v-yb- in old Kannada, not pyh as g- and and /- respectively is prov-
ed by the inscriptional evidence (pp. 521 p65). So also -/>- > -v- or -i'- >-r- or
< -wi- (pp. 55, 58, 60).
The theory of Sithihdvitvo that in cases w^erc -/- preceded by a short vowel was
preserved, a vowel-bit was pronounced between -/- and the following consonant (see
also p. 93) and that the assimilated consonant group was shortened in pronunciation
(p. 62) is very interesting (see also p. 94). It must be seen whether further evi-
dences are forthcoming in support of this and it must also be seen whether it is
possible to determine the exact nature of the vowel between the ‘ fleeting double
consonant ’.
Consonant clusters arc usually assimilated to the following consonant in the
Kannada of the 12th century, e.g. poltu > portu > poitu. New Kannaqla hottu.
galde y garde > gadde (p. 63 and also p. 91).
The assumption that the long consonants in Kannada have the general character
istics of single consonants rather than of consonant clusters because the latter seem
to have always an unstable equilibrium as they get assimilated transforming them-
selves to long consonants in all phases of the Kannada language requires a very care-
ful examination (pp. 96-105). Narasimhia shows (p. 65) that Kesir;ja’s views
are also in agreement with his theory regarding the uso of / in the 12th and the first
half of the 13th century.
An interesting phonetic problem is! posed by the following equations notfiu) H
pmn y nolpam ; mddiu), + > mdlke \ eradiu) + kudure > *eralkudure (cf.
also baparan <ibclJ^jan < (bvl) hvdiu) ‘to ask for’ found in the 10th century.)
These suggest as Narasimhia (p. 66) points out that the -(f- of these words was
like / in pronunciation and the words like nolpam were archaic forms.
The suggestion (p. 68) that the pronunciation of r was very near that of I is
quite plausible. This interesting phoneme I is found no doubt even in modern Tamil
and Malayalam as well as in Badaga and Toda dialects. This phoneme in the Iasi
mentioned dialect is met with today as a development of other phonemes.^
Narasimhiia’s observation (p. 68, 70) that in Madura and suburbs / is pro
nounced as / but in Madras; and the north, it ia pronounced as -y- points out th<
dire need for the preparation of the dialect atlases for the Dravidian tongues. So
does the problem of the disappearance of the distinction between r and r in all part-
of the Madras Presidency (p. 30) except in the extreme South. I doubt very much
whether any generalisation can be made to the effect (in the absence of extensive
investigations on the lines suggested by Jules Bloch®) that Madras pronunciation
® C. R. SankiARan. On the Sub-class of a-Phoneme. BDCRI 4.56.
L. V. Ramaswami Aiyar, Tamil 1, ]OR 9.140.
® Jules Bloch, Castes et dialectes en Tamoul, MSL 16.1-30.
156
REVIEW
of is universally -y- from the scanty evidence of patam. payam (and pahsm),
L. V. RAMaswami Aiyar® points out that the actual phonation of this phoneme is
recognised everywhere. Incidentally a problem is posed (p. 69) why a voiced stop
came in Telugu eddu or erdu (cf. Tamil erutu. Kan. eltu^ Tulu eru ‘a buir).
It is an error toi say that Kan. c^u ‘ scorpion ’ corresponds to Tam. tel (p. 68),
for we have in Tamil only tel and not tel. There is no meaning in maintaining that
tel is perhaps the reconstructed form in prehistoric Tamil. Narasimhia in this con-
text definitely deals with facts and not with reconstructions.
A glance at the useful appendix (pp. 71-85) gives us an insight into the history
of / m Kannada. The discussion of the consonant groups (pp. 86-90) is illumi-
nating. The comparisons between Old Kannada and New Kannada forms are instruc-
tive (pp. 87-90).
Narasimhia proceeds to give a few examples from the later inscriptions to show
the avssimilation of r and I to the following consonant (pp. 91-92). He clearly points
out how Ke.^1RAJA corroborates the inference that the r and / had been completely
assimilated to the following consonant in colloquial speech by the 13th century
(p. 93).
The -HjI- Stems in the masculine singular and in. the neuter singular take -an- and
-ad- respectively, as suffixes between the stem and the case-ending. But the -i-
and -c- stems have no such suflfLxes. Pronouns adn. idu (neuter) take -ar- as suffix,
but only the glides -y- in -i- and -e- stems and -v- in -u- stems (sec also p. 158).
It is a problem yet to be invCvStigatcd why this differentiation is made (pp. 113-114).
The assumption is made that the plural suffix -dr (pp. 115; 133, 210) and the
negative suffix -dde (p. 208) are older than ur and adc respectively. Likewise it is
assumed that the accusative case termination -an and d in. the forms of the oldest
Kannada inscriptioas are older than -an and -a respectively (p. 135). So also is
the genitive case termination -d assumed to be older than -a (p. 147). Narasimhia
also assumes that per is probably the Primitive Kannada form and per the later
development (p. 155). If these assumptions arc tenable it is possible to generalise
that primitive Kannada too was not of a simple isolating structure and there must
have been a continuous movement from complex to simple structure in the history
of the Kannada language. No doubt, this hypothesis has yet to be tested by more
detailed investigations in Kannada linguistics. But such an hypothesis is tenable a
priori in view of the fact that there are many primitive languages whose complexity
of psychological or logical forms far sui passes even the grammatical categories of
Latin and therefore Franz BbAS assumes that Language begins with complex and
ends with simple forms, although he dees not deny the existence of the oppo^te
tendency altogiether.’<‘ But the assumptions made by Narasimhia can be question-
ed . --if there wero a phase in the oldest Kannada when tlierr were only.
(1)
the plural suffix -dr.
,(2)
the negative suffix -dde.
(3)
the accusative case-termination an and
and
(4)
the genitive case-termination -d
when
(1)
ar.
(2)
ode
(3)
an and a
and
(4)
a respectively.
did not at all exist— only then axe the assumptions made by Narasimhia tenable.
[It may be remarked here incidentally that tlie thesis is (otlien^^dse) purely descrip*
» JOR 9.140.
Franz Boas. Handbook of American Indian Languages. Bulletin, 1911, Bull
40. Boas, The Mmd oj Primitive Man. 172.
157
tive with factual data, and therefore is refreshingly objective in all other respec^^^l
I am inclined to agree with Narasimhia that it is not likely that -aw, a simile
suffix of the neuter used in the angular and the plural of neuter -a stems was borrow-
ed by Tamil and Kannaida from Sanskrit (120).
The use of avu ( < aw-w) as the termination resolves itself ultimately into -am
This in New Kannada is generalised as the nominative singular case-terininae
tion. This -« may have been a nom. sg. suffix (p. 121). Narasimhia's theory re-
garding the origin of this -u is certainly most attractive and I am inclined to accept
it (pp. 122-131). The rarity of this -u in the earliest inscriptions can be easily
explained by the fact that poetry was rarely written in popular speech in ancient
times (p. 132).
It is worth 'Thile investigating why the final nasal was dropped in the accusative
case terminations -m and ati fp. 135). It is reasonable to conclude that the accusa-
tive ending is later in origin for in the accusative the suffix -urn comes after the
stem, but before the case ending. Narasimhia has omitted to point out that in
modern Tamil colloquial speech also, the accusative suffix is rarely added to the stem
in the case of inanimate objects
e.g. Vldu kaltinan 'house he built'
linrdn ‘ eatables he ate ’
imstakum td ' give the book ’ (pp. 135. 158, 191).
It is plausible that Primitive Dravidian had long consonants ; they were sliorten-
ed in the absolute final i>osition, but presented before vowels (p. 137).'2 4m (or
•in) is an adverb of time in Kannada meaning ‘ from that time, afterwards '. Per^
haps this adverb is used as a post-pasition to mean ‘ from or bv ’ ( instrumental case
(p. 141)].
It is indeed possible that -an-i-ge (in the form kdlanyi-ge) represents an earlier
•an-in-ge with an additional suffix, which appears also in tho termination of the instru-
mental and genitive and locative of -u sterns.’-^ This preconsonantal nasal of Old
Kannada quite naturally disappears in Middle Kannada and New Kannada (p. 142).
Narasimhia gives telling examples (pp. 142-143) to show the process of cliange
from the Old Kannada to New Kannada through Middle Kannada in regard to this
matter.
The instance kilgdnadevake where we have -ke affixed to an -a stem in place
of -ak-kc, indeed shows the general tendency of Kannada to shorten long consonants
unlike Tamil and Malayalam, when circumstances favoured it in the last syllable of
a word when preceded by a long vow'cl and in the terminationaJ element "p. 144).
Narasimhia through telling examples from Tamil and Kannada (pp. 144-145) de-
monstrates this tendency.
It is indeed probable (p, 154) that -c, the particle of emphasis was added to
the locative ending 4. It is quite possible that the 4 and -e forms may be dialec-
tical variations being used in place of c in age, nilise, tamge, eujl^gom.
Functional syncretism, some examples of which are the dative being used foi
the accusative, the accusative used as the nominative (p. 159), the nominative used
as the accusative and also the genitive, the locative used in the sense of the instrj
See for instance, Narasimhia's admirable treatment of the questions of the
instrumental ending 4tu the suffix -m before the case-ending in the dative, the geni-
tive and the locative of steins ending in conaonants, -u and sometixned in -a (only
after the masculine or feminine gender suffix in the -« stems) pp. 150 and 160.
Cf. also R. L. Turner, JRAS 79.227.
It is equally possible that the -a- between the 1st and the 2nd person pro-
nominal base and the dative singular ending Age may have been originally -a«. p. 178.
158
mental and the use of the nominative as the locative (p. 162) should be studied from
the wider view point of Dravidian and even general linguistics.
It is interesting to note that in Primitive Kannada, the nominative was pro^
bably used in the genitive sense (pp. 161-62) .^ It might be noted here that per-
haps even in the PIE in its earliest phase, the nominative and the genitive singulai
of - 0 - stems were identical.^"
It is indeed plausible that the locative is later in origin and that the locative
ending 4 or -i in pw^iyadt is the instrumental ending with the loss of the final nasal
as the Old Kannada um > New Kannada m.
In the case of the declinable participles used as adjectives, since -on forms are
found in the inscriptions of different and distant parts, Niarasimhia is justified in
rejecting the assumption that -an and the -on forms are dialectical variations
(p. 168). It is highly probable that was used as a negative adjective in the
oldest Kannada inscriptions to mean ‘ not, not having ’ as NarAvSIMHIA points out
(p. 171). I do not however agree with Narasimhia when he says that the nega-
tive suffix is -5 in Kannada (p. 208).’®
In regard to the first person pronoun, it is quite plausible as Narasimi.ia points
out that nan is a dialectical variation, of en, and that en of the Southern School,
which has correspondences in other cognate languages is the earlier of the two
(p. 176). Narasimhia’s suggestion that an is the Primitive Kannada base of the
first person and that it is the emphatic form is indeed an attractive one (p. 176).
Narasimhia’s comparison of the Old Kannada adverbial participles with the
Tamil adverbial participles (p. 197) leads us to infer that
Tamil -nr- Kannada -nd-
Tamil -nr- Kannada -d-
Primitive Dravidian *-nf- > Tamil inr- Kannada -nd-
Primitive Kannada *-mtu > Kannada -nfw, -ndw, or -dw in adverbial
participles.
Kannada kondu < ko\ + ndu — kolndu
Kannada sandu < sal + ndu—^lndu.
-/ may have been assimilated to -n and *konndu and *sanndu, have their snn^ short-
ened into -n-. But in places where it is found as -dw, the preconsonantal nasal -n-
has disappeared.
I agree with Narasimhia that Kittel's theoryi^ that -dw and -tu are prono-
minal suffixes added to verbal roots to convert them into verbal participles, which
are really verbal nouns (p. 201) needs proof from other Dravidian languages.
Narasimhia’s demonstration that -\gu is not a radical part of the root as a or p6
but only a suffix is very lucid (p. 205).
To a student of general linguistics, Narasimhia’s deduction (p. 212) that very
probably in Primitive Dravidian verbs were formed without any tense suffix and
the same form was used for all tenses the meaning being determined by the context
and that the subtle distinctions of tense may have arisen later will be found very
valuable. Narasimhia’s discussion of the optative mood (p. 213) reminds one of
the importance of the problem of this mood in all languages. C. C. Uhlenbeck^^
See also L. D. Barnett, The nominatival Genitive in Old Kanarese. JRAS
70.105-06.
See my Paper. The Old Genitive Singular of IE -a- Stems, K. V. Ranga-
swami Ajyangar CamnMinmatwn Volume^ 437-38.
See also S. K. Chatterji, Indo-Aryan and Hindi, 86-7.
See C. R. Sankaran and M. G. Venkatesaiya. On the Definition of the Mor-
pheme, BDCRl 4.52.
Kittel, Kannada Grammar, Section 169, 105.
C. C. Uhlenbejck, Tool en Leven, 1941, 39.
REVBEW
159
observes that the phenomenon of the sporadic use of the optative form in place of
the past tense occurs in many languages. A systematic inquiry after such turns of
expresfdon in every language will indeed produce surprising results. Here therefore
is a rich held for the students of general linpiistics also. In such an enquiry one
would naturally be led to include the study of the ethical dative and the dative of
kinship also.
The book is divided into three parts. Part I deals with Phonology and Mor-
phology. The Verb-Mori*ology seaion (pp. 193-215) is easily the best in the
book. Word-order (pp. 227-245) is also included in the Morphology section (which
Narasimhia chooses to call the Grammar Section). Part II contains the text of the
inscriptions while Part 11.^ contains the index and five appendices and bibliography.
The book contains few mistakes. It certainly brings credit to the author and the
Mysore Univeraty. It is the hope of the author of this review that tliis excellent
book will stimulate other earnest students of Dravidian linguistics to undertake such
patient systematic studies of the descriptive diahronic linguistics of all the Dravi-
dian languages from the earliest times in like painstaking manner, so that a solid
foundation can be laid for a new Comparative Grammar of the Dravidian languages
on modem scientific lines, as a result of the derailed comparisons of the synchronic
€^lements of the cognate members of this great family of human languages, epodi by
epoch.
C. R. Sankaran.
A BALLAD ON BHAU AND THE PANIPAT IN
HINDUSTANI
By
T. S. Shejwalkar.
Students of Maratha history already know that in the vicinity of Panipat
the wandering minstrels sing certain ballads about the third battle fought
at that place, though none has still publish^ a complete edition thereof.
The circumstances of the case explain why it has been found difficult to
procure and publish a complete version of the ballad. Th? minstrels sing-
ing the same are spread over a fairly large tract of land in three or four
districts of the Panjab and U. P. on both sides of the river Jamna. The
public taste for this type of minstrelsy is rapidly vanishing, with its inevi-
table effect in reducing the numbers of such singers. In fact the minstrels
as a tribe are breaking and their members both Hindu and Muslim are
taking to other professions. Few of the younger generation know the
ballad completely and the old who know it are prone to lapses of memory.
Nor does there sc«m to have been an authorised complete version of the
ballad as a whole theme' ever in existence. It was a collection of stanzas
with additions and omissions from time to time and place to place. The
hero round whom these stanzas centred was certainly Sada^ivarao Bhau
Peswa, but others had also their share. Bhau has become a legendary name
by now, and few [people know correctly anything about himi. While most
— almost all— people in the locality know the name Bhau, having sometime
heard of him in a song, widely divergent views and notions about him
prevail. When I questioned an old Gaud Brahmin of Gangeru on the
opposite side of the Jamna, he thought Bhau was a robber (ddku thd). On
the other hand another septuagenarian Gaud Brahmin whom I accidently
met in a bus between Panipat and Samalkha w^iis found overwhelmed with
deep feeling at the mention of the name of Plarvatibai, wife of Bhau who
had accompanied him to Panipat. The old man shaking with feeling
pressed hard my hand into his with tears in his eyes and thought he had
met in me a compatriot of him after a long long time. This was quite
unexpected with the general feeling about the Marathas. Still there’ is no
difficulty anywhere in the Panipat locaftty to get an idea of the great tussle
for power between the’ Afghans and the Marathas, where it has permeateii
in the local folklore.
In order to avoid the pit-falls into which even scholars fall, I followed
a novel plan for getting a complete version of the story as known to at
least one sound singer. The ballads are composed in Western Hindi or
Hindustani, as it is commonly spoken by the populace composed of Jats
21
BULLBTltl O. C. R. I. VOL. IV.
162
T. S. SHEJWALKAR
and Gujars in the main. The ballad-singers belong to the Jogi^ caste and
are both Hindu and Muslim. There might be a few Maratha minstrels
amongst them too, for it is otherwise difficult to account for the mention
of local names like the NIagzari stream at Poona in the ballad. However
that may be, I pinned down a Muslim Jogi of middle age to dictate his
story and get it written by himself. Thus I ensured against failure of
memory due to old age and bad hearing and still worse copying of a foreign
dialect. Fortunately for me, the man I selected had a boy of eighteen who
had just passed his vernacular final in Urdu and was a good scribe. The
father dictated and the son copied in Urdu script in pencil. As the boy
could easily follow his father’s pronunciation due to familiarity with it, there
was little possibility of incorrectness in his copy. My precaution seems to
have* given me good results, as I find after comparing my copy with the
fragment published by Dr. K. Qanungo in the SardeSai Commemoration
Volume of 1938, though! I had taken it down in 1935.
The SI017 I publisli here is made up of prose and poetry, both supple-
menting (and repeating) each other;. It is fairly, but not quite, complete,
as I find from certain omissions with other published fragments, as well as
from the internal evidence of my coi^y. The stanzas in the versified portion
of the story are not at all of the same number of linesi, as these should
normally be. They vary in length from three lines to eleven lines e^h.
There is no doubt that some amount of latitude is ix>ssible in such composi-
tions, but I suspect that certain stanzas are not complete'ly remembered
(thus lessening their lines), while in others fines from one stanza are tacked
on to others. Some verses are of course clean forgotten or not current in
a particular locality. To make up for this deficiency in the story, prose
sectns to have been inserted or increased in certain places. Otherwise one
would expect a complete stoiy in verse only, in such a type of ballad. My
Jogi singer is a clever man of the world and he seemed to know the Panipat
campaign from modern history books also, as is exemplified by his putting
in English dates at the beginning and at the e’nd, the laist date being
evidently of the composition of the ballad-story. He also uses .English
words like officer, committee, in their modern Hindi form, in relating the
story in prose. To that extent certain! portions of the prose narrative might
be' taken as modem interpolations. But that cannot be said of the verses,
which belong to the end of the eighteenth century. Similarly certain por-
tions of the prose are also definitely traditional, particularly those contain-
ing geographical information and bringing in the names of local Chieftains
unknown to history in the larger sense.
My interest in the Ballad is only Historical and not Linguistic. I was
^ I have a shrewd suspicion from the physiognomy of the Jogis I saw that
there might be a diffusion of Maratha blood in their veins. Such a possibility is
not to be ruled out, as thousands of Maralhas remained at Panipat after the great
disaster and were possibly absorbed in the local populace.
A BALLAD ON BHAU AND THE PANIPAT IN HINDUSTANI 163
more interested in getting local news, traditional accounts and beliefs and
detailed information about the localily as it might have affected the
campaign in general and the last battle in particular. I am glad to say
that the Ballad and story I publish here does add to our scanty infor-
mation derived from standard histories. My wanderings on foot in the
locality have also added to our information and corrected the wrong impres-
sions formed from the outside. That is the main achievement I claim for
myself. I am no Hindi-Urdu scholar and as such had to take the help of
two scholars® in transcribing, properly reading and arranging it so as to
make it a|vailable to thi. Marathas in general and history scholars in parti-
cular. As such I have followed the Marathi mode of writing iii transcribing
the original Hindustani, doing away with the* special marks which go with the
Hindi mode of writing and pronouncing, tliough the language remains as in
the original. For a satisfactory and complete version of the Ballad the
would-be editor must be ai comix?tent Hindi-Urdu scholar with a knowledge
of the dialects, acquaintance with the 18th century mode of expression being
an essential qualification. He will have to go over a large tract, collect
local versions of the song, collate all the available versions and then bring
out a scholarly, grammatically correct and historically true edition. Bui
this is a work for a Icxral scholar and not for a Maratha student of history.
I present the Ballad here mainly to students of history and not to scholais
of Hindustani, to glean therefrom the new historical information for what
it is worth. As I am making use of the information in my 4>rthcoming
narrative' of the Panipat Campaign, I am in duty bound to place my author-
ity before the general public, which I hereby do.
There is much that is fable m this narrative, as can be easily exjxjcted.
The figures giving tlie numbers of troops, horses, elephants, guns, bulls,
servants and treasure are given in round sonorific standardized sums which
have no necessary connection with the actuals. The poet has no correct
idea of the general poverty of the historic Marathas nor of the particular
monetary difficulties in which Bhau was completely engulfed throughout
the Panipat campaign. His manner of describing fights is traditional, as he
narrates what seem to be single combats between the chief heroes only,
which was scarcely a fact. Certain episodes in the campaign are more
vividly described than the last big effort, which has been crampeid in space.
There does not seem to be a conscious or even an unconscious partiality
anywhere in the narrative. There are no comments on the behaviour of
the chief actors. This is really wonderful as well as inexplicable. The
language is simple, direct, with comparatively little embellishment except a
happy simile here and a poetic phrase there. Certain grammatical ix^':u
liarities will be marked by the reader. One which is constantly rerx^atecl
® I am indebted to Mr. G. H. Khare of the Bharat Itihasa Sathsodhak
Maudal and my colleague Prof. C. H. Shaikh for helping me in transcribing this
Ballad.
164
T. S. SHEJWALKAR
and seems to be a local dialectal usage is of using the dative suffix " ko' in
place of the instrumental ‘ we.’ As this is found in verses too, it seems to
be a fairly old innovation, as well as a local peculiarity of the current
dialect. At first the reader is baffled by the peculiarity, but as he proceeds
he comes to know that it is a local usage.
The narrative is in ceriain important matters of fact patently wrong.
Bhau had lost his mother in childhood and his step-mother was also long
since deadv So the invention of a nnK)ther by the poeti to dissuade him from
going on a hazardous e^xpedition is pure fancy. The poet has also
brought in Bhau’s wife for the same cause of dissuasion but she is not
found accompanying her husband as Parvatibai actually did This is in
marked divergence from the local traditions about Parvatibai. While it is
known to thej ballad writer that Bhau was called to Hindustan by Janakoji
Sindia’s complete defeat, he has no information of Malharrao Holkar being
in the north in his company. The Peswa is found holding his Darbar in
P(x>na, while actually he was at Ahmcdnagar when he heard of Sindia’s
discomfiture. Niaro :§ankar is present at Panipat in the ballad, while he
was actually guarding Delhi for five months. The Nawab of Lucknow is
styled Nasir-uddaula in the Ballad, while it ought to be Shuja ud-daula as
all know. The descriptive part is naturally exaggerated and as such his-
torically unreliable, but still there are certain facts mentioned which cannot
be invented and hence must be t^deen as traditionally coming down. When
they don’t ‘go against known historical facts or are not improbable, we can
take these as naturally correct. It is for these that we have taken the
trouble to copy the BaHad -story and we now proceed to narrate these few
facts.
1. The first and the foremost fact known for the first time from the
Ballad is the actual place where Ahmed Shah Abdali crossed the river Jamna
near Baghpat. The place is named Gauripur-Panwadia in the Ballad and
the name of the ;person who showed the way to Ahmed Shah is also given
as Gulab Singh Gfijar, who is styled as a favourite of the king in two places.
The story of the Ballad is more natural here though given in a religious
garb as in standard histories. The Muslim chronicles tell us that Ahmed
Shah became exasperated at not being able to cross the river which was
then full after the rains. As none would tell him of a safe place' for cross-
ing under such conditions, he fasted,, performed religious ceremonies for two
days and wrote magic squares on a silver plate which he threw into the
water. The river then subsided and became fordable. The story in the
Ballad is similar in spirit in that it also makes Abdali offer betel leaves
and copper coins to the river Jamna and the dargah of a certain local
Khwiajiah as a result of which the river water divided and allowed a passage
to the troops. As a local man is proposing this way to Ahmed Shah, we
may take it that he knew the particular spot where the J^na-bottom was
firm and shallow. Gulab Singh seems to be a local Gujar-chief of Gauripur
A BALLAD ON BHAU AND THE PANIPAT IN HINDUSTANI 16S
or its vicinity and thus naturally knew the river-bed better than outsiders.
Gauripur is four miles to the north of the Baghpat town and in selecting
it for crossing, Ahmed Shah secured another advantage of avoiding the
strong Maratha guard kept for watching the important ghat of Ba^dipat
on the other side of the Jamna. Crossing the Jamna at Gauripur is easier
because the river spreads itself there into several channels over a wider area
and it is directly opposite the imix>rtant town and Maratha outpost of
Sonepat. As a matter of fact known to history, the Maratha guard at
Sonepat fled at the unexpected crossing of Ahmed Shah AbdalL
2. Names of thrti‘ local-chiefs have been made known for the first
time and they go to explain the local factors which, for whatever reasons,
went against the* Marathas. They aic Gulab Singh Gujar of the Meenit
District, flimmat Singh Jal. of the Sonepat-Panipat locality and Bole Khan
Toowar a Kajput-Mohamedan of Panipat Tlie (iujars of the Doab and
the Panjab were a turbulent tiibc of catt^‘*Tifters and robbers like the
Ra'mosis in Mahaiastra. Th(‘ir help or antagonism meant much in those
regions. S:> also the Jafs who are the chief land-tillers in the region. Bole
Khan Tcowar seems tr. have ])r<'mised support to the Marathas, but being
in the jx^silion of a proud fighting minority with interests againsi the rest,
could not bt‘ very useful. This information is new and throws an unex-
pected light on the local conditions. As the information comes from local
sources, there is every likelihood of its being correct.
3. The tliird gain from the Ballad is the knowledge) of the actual place
of combats fought for two months between the two armies confronting each
oiher. The pkice named is the plain of the Chhajpur village where a tall
wooden war-pillar had been erected as the 9 entre of the battle field. The
Marathi Kaifiyat of Bhausrihib also mentions such a war-pillar but there
was no corroly>ration of tlie fact. Ahmed Shah Abdali’s camp shifted its
ground more than once but its various locations were unknown We now
know three plaa^s. They are Chhajpur, Bapauli and Pasnia. Traditionally
Bhau’s tent was under a bhick-mango tree, while that of Ahmed Shah was,
at least in the first fortnight of January 1761, under a banyan tree at Pasnia,
as we know from local tradition now. Bhau’s camp was spread over the
plain to the southe<ist and west of ihe Panipat town, and the north side
only was free for acet^ss. In the initial stages of beleaguerment, the Mara-
thas had ixvssibly kept a hold over the Ramda and the AndheTO ghats on the
Jamna, but later on the local Jats and Gujars seem to have been woo owr
by Abdali. Kunjpura seems to have been taken back by a son of Najabat
Khan, thus closing the Panjab side also.
4. The troubles of the Maratha camp find a mention in the Ballad.
The stink of the dcK:omposed corpses of unburied fallen soldiers and animals
troubled the Maratha Camp more because the wind blew over their camp.
The Marathas suffered not only from want of food, but, as the Ballad men-
tions for the first time, from scarcity of water. At first they had possibly
J66
T. S. SHEJWALKAR
access to the surrounding area, especially to the imperial canal {Shdh-Nahar)
on the west side of Panipat. I believe that the canal was functioning at
that time. But later on when Kunjpura was taken back by the Afghans,
they possibly cut off the canal alt its head to the north of Kunjpura ; or the
Marathas were surrounded on all sides and driven in to Panipat, thus closing
their access to the canal.
5. That the relations between Najiabat-khan, the Ruhela Keeper of
Kunjpura, and Abdus Samad Khan and Kutbjung were not smooth nor cor-
dial, is clear from the Ballad. The Ruhela Nawab was unwilling to admit
Samad Khan to his fort ; Kutbjung is found cursing Najabat Khaln before
his death. These are historically important points.
Altogether, the Ballad adds materially to our knowledge of the Panipat
campaign of 1761 and so we present it here to the world of scholars.
APPENDIX
AN ACCOUNT OF THE THIRD BATTLE OF PANIPAT
BETWEEN AHMEDSHAH ABDALI AND THE MARATHAS
^ ^ t- ^
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A BALLAD ON BHAU AND THE PANIPAT IN HINDUSTANI
167
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168
T. S. SHEJWALKAR
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A 6ALLAD ON BHAU AND THE ^ANIPAT IN HINDUSTANI 169
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BULLETIN D. C. R. 1. VOL. IV.
2J
m
t. s.
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A BALLAD ON BIIAU AND THE PANIPAT IN HINDUSTANI
171
I
3mR wi 3n«nnn ?Brf^ Wl? i
^ *I?f?I ?t#f H 1 ^ II
cuiw ^ ci^'s il 3fk ?i^
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( MI ) ^tetMTM # teft MI?I fin? 'ttM% aTTM? ^ MM# M?? flMfl
172
T. S. SHEJWALKAR
«mii ii«ninR q?srrsi i
^ KTH I
^'V m \ ^Bpii ^ ifm I
3W»R5n5% STR I
^ sr^ ?*n ?!; str ii n ii
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^qt^ H ??«iw ?5»iraT I
«BJ*m qqqra? ^ %»ft fe^RRI I
wf 3? qwi I
0)?53n 5iq^ w rri i
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A BALLAD ON BHAU AND THE PANIPAT IN HINDUSTANI
173
pnsf *nwT I
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A BALLAD ON BHAU AND THE PANIPAT IN HINDUSTANI
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A BALLAD ON BHAU AND THE PANIPAT IN HINDUSTANI
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182
T. S. SHEJWALKAR
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A BALLAD ON BHAl) AND THE PANlPAT IN HINDUSTANI
183
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184
T. S. SHEJWALKAR
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A BALLAD ON BHAU AND tkE PANIPAT IN HINDUSTANI
18 S
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STUDIES IN PREHISTORY OF THE DECCAN
(MAHARASHTRA): A SURVEY OF THE
GODAVARI AND THE KADVA, NEAR NIPHAD
By
H. D. Sankalia
I Introduction
The thirties of this century seem to be auspicious for prehistoric studies
in India. These were revived in South India in 1930, while the first syste-
matic attempt /o study North Indian prehistory was made almost in the
same year, and the work carried on for several field seasons. Slight, but
important work was done in Western India, near Bombay, about the same
time. Similar work is also started in Bengal.* Amid these studies h^re
grouped regionally one feels the absence of any study in the Deccan, parti-
cularly that portion of the table land (or plateau ) which is bounded in the
north by the Tapti, and in the south by the Krishna, in the east by the
Mianjra and the Wainganga and in the west by the narrow fringe of the
Kahkaa) lowlands. The area so covered is at present called Maharashtra.
Its present boundaries may be conterminous with that of Maharashtra
mentioned in an inscription of the 7th century.® Those who had studied
the finds from South India, as wdl as friKn Gujarat, had felt the necessity
of doing some work in this part,® which forms an intervening portion bet-
ween these areas.
The absence of, any work in the area is now felt all the more because
prehistoric work in north India have led scholars lo believe that Early Man
travelled northwards from south India carrying with him his Stone Age
culture. The writer’s study of the Gujarat finds (past and recent) also
points to a close connection between Gujarat and South Indian industrieb.*
In this contact, as has been already pointed out by him, a few links are
* For further details with references see Sankalia, “ Pre-Vedic Times to
Vijayanagara," Progress of Indie Studies, (1917-42), (published by BORI, Poota),
197-8.
* These are merely rough boundaries suitable for the purpose of this article
only. In order to fix definite boundaries due account must be taken of the
various political vicissitudes through which Maharashtra passed, as well as of its
linguistic and ethmc limits. For while it is certain that Pulakesin’s, "Three
Maharashtrakas ” did not include the Tapti, they did include a part of Karnataka,
and a part — western— of the Hyderabad State.
» Cf. Coggin Brown, Pre^toric Antiquities in the Indian Museum, 3.
* See Sankalia, “ Pre- and Proto-history of Gujarat," Mutardja Volume, to
be published by the Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan.
AMmeOABAO
MAP thawing the old alluvial depc^ts on the Godavari, Puma-Tapti ^d the
Narbada ♦after Vredenbuhg RGSI 33. PL. 1) and other rivers of Maharashtra.
188
H. D. SANKAUA
provided by the Karnataka industries.® But no evidence has yet come forth
from the Deccan Maharashtra, primarily because no work has been done in
this area. The main reason for omitting or neglecting it from all pre-or
proto-historic exploration is the fact that everywhere the Deccan trap comes
up ; there are hardly any loess mounds as in Gujarat or other mounds as
in Sind where one could look for ancient buried vestiges of civilisation.
Almost all rivers have not only got a substratum of this rock, but their
banks are generally low, with few gullies and of trap. Above all there is
the total absence of quartzite pebbles or rock as noted by Foote,® which
was the favourite material of Early Man. So it was held that there was
little prospect of finding Stone Age Cultures along the rivers of Maharashtra.
But this view was based upon a general impression of the geological features
of the country. As will be mentioned in detail below geologists of the last
century had noted that there were a few rivers — ^the Godavari and its tri-
butaries, which had comparatively high cliff-like banks, and patches of old
alluvium. It was therefore thought worthwhile to examine these sections
of the riversi, with a view to seeing if any traces of Early Man could be
found in Maharashtra.
The Godavari and one of its tributarie's, the Kadva, were first selected.
The reason for selecting the Godavari is obvious. It is on its banks that
the earliest cultures should have sprung up as were the historic culture of
the Satavahana Period, as evidenced by the antiquity of Nasik and Paithan
or the later Ri^rakuita and Y^ava, as shown by the distribution of their
monuments, whereas ihe hoary antiquity endowed by the Rarmym^a to the
Godjavari, particularly near Nasik, is well known.
In fact a prehistoric survey of this river is long overdue. For not only
its traditional and historical antiquity demands it, but also the fact that
it had yielded geological, palseontological and cultural evidence of its anti-
quity.
The geology of Maharashtra is simple. It forms part of the Deccan
trap which not only covers the whole of the Bombay Presidency from the
Narbada in the north as far south as the parallel of Goa in the neighbour-
hood of Belgam and Kaladgi, but also extends northwards, where it
occupies a small area, and ends abrupily south of Chhota Udaipur. In the
east the trap almost touches Nagpur, an arm of it goes as far as Jubbalpore.
In the west it forms almost a straight line, stretching approximately from
Surat to Goa in the south. Here it is generally low in height, and capped
by laterite, as are many of the higher plateau hills. Solitary remains
of trap are found in Kathiawar and Cutch in the northwest. These nearly
horizontal strata of basalt and similar rocks are responsible for peculiar
c Ibid.
« Bruce Foote, Indian Prehistoric md Protohistoric Antiquities, Notes on
A^es md Distribution, 36,
STUDIES IN PREHISTORY OF THE DECCAN
189
features of the country : “ the extensive plateaux, the long hog>backed hills,
the terraces on their sides, and the black precipices/" ‘The whole country
has very mudh the appearaince of a plain formed by marine denundation,
through whidi plain the streams have cut/ ^ At many places the trap
comes up ; where it does not, the ground is covered by a few feet of black soil,
a decomposition of the rock, forming the most fertile area in the land. A
number of small rivers and a few big rivers dram the land, but almost all
of them form part as a glance at the map will show of the Godivari drain-
age system, which flows as one st»‘eam — ^now" a mighty river — beyond
Sironcha. A few others- the Sina, Bhima— join the Krishna which in a
sense constitutes the southern boundary of Maharashtra.
All these rivers rise in the Western Ghats and ilow eastwards ; whereas
the Narbada, Taipti, and Puma-other rivers which flow through the nor-
thern trap area flow westwards. There is thus an opposition between these
two drainage systems. However a certain geological change or changes have
given these rivers a kind of unity, which is useful to the palaeontologist and
archaeologist It is this. The drainage system of the upper Deccan trap
area, as well as that of the lower have at certain jxyrtions along their course
deposits of old alluvium The Narbada has it between Jubbulpore and
Handia ; the Tapti and its tributary the Puma between Nandurbar and
Amaravati ; the Godavari has it between Nasik and Paithan, and is also
found on its other tributaries the Kadva, the Painganga, the Wardha and
the Wainganga. The deposits on the Narbada and the Godavari reach at
places remarkably great height. They are about 100 feet in height at
Janakpur, near Hoshangbad ; about 40 to 60 feet at Nandur Madhmesh-
war and at Paithan. These deposits were accumulated, according to an
earlier view,*^ by a general tilting of the Peninsula, by means of which its
western side was uplifted more than its eastern portion, and rock-basins
were caused. This might explain, according to Vredenburg, ‘some of the
features observed in the alluvial plains of the Narbada etc., but does not
explain the case of the eastward flowing Godavari.' He therefore recon-
sidered the entire question and accounted for these phenomena by postula-
ting ‘ an extensive, though shallow, warping of the surface along certain
definite' lines and varying locally in direction.' Thus ‘the formation of a
single shallow anticlinal ridge running west of the western termination of
the Narbada and Puma plains with a strike slightly east of north would
suffice to account for the accumulation of the ancient alluvium in three of
these plains : those of the Narbada, of Berar, and of the upper Godavari/ ^
7 Adapted from Blainford’s “Sketch of the Geology of the Bombay Pre*
sidency," Records Geological Survey oj India (RGSJ) 5. 88-102 and Poona to
Nagpur," ibid. 1.60-5.
« Manual of the Geology of India, 2nd Edition 397, cited by Vredenburg,
•‘Pleistocene Movements in India," RGSI 33*38.
^ Vredenburg, RGSI 33*38-9 and pi. 1,
190
H. D. SANKALU
Whatever may have' been the exact cause or causes of the formation of these
plains and the accumulation of the ancient alluvium strata in them geolo-
gists and palaeontologists now hold that the fossil fauna ccmtained in the
Narbada and the Godavari alluvium are of the same type, the alluvium
itself of a definite geological age, namely the Lower or the Middle
Pleistocene.'®
It is in this geological stratum that search for traces of Early Man
is to be made. In Maharashtra though most of the rivers have a rocky,
shallow bed of trap or flow through deep channels cutting the underlying
trap and at time crystalline rocks, still there are a few rivers like the
Godavari, the Kadva, the Wainganga," the Painganga,” the Wardha,*’
and the Kanhan,*^ where the banks are not shallow but cliff-like, formed
by the dd alluvium, which stand still above the! river level. At other places
the alluvium is denuded, or almost so, the gravel being exposed here and
there, resting on the trap, or forming part of the river bed.
Palaeontological date was obtained twice. The first time in the fifties
of the last century.'® It consisted' of a skull of an elephant, which was
identified as Elephas Natmdicus. ‘ It appears to have been of immense
size, as the tusk is said to have been 29 inches in circumference.’ It was
found near Paithan on the left bank of the Godavari, and ‘had been
washed out of a calcareous conglomerate, of which the bank consisted.’
Pilgrim found for the second time in 1904.'® He excavated from one
According to the recent work of De Terra, The Ice Age and Human Cul-
lures in India, 319.
The whole of the areal suiveyed is occupied by Archean rocks, but on the
plateau, outliers of the Deccan trap capped by laterite, there is widespread
alluvium on the Wainganga. Hayden in RGSI for 1915, 1916. 38.
*1* Fossil remains were found in the valley of the Painganga at Hingoli.
Gravels not continuous, but at places they form part, of the river bed. Cf. RGSI
32-200.
over the Deccan trap there is laterite in some areas and then
older gravels and clays of some of the river valleys contain fossil bones
Similai^ deposits forming the banks and often the beds of the upper feeders of the
Godavari, the Wardha, the Painganga . . . and here also they locally contain a large
number of bones . . . gravels cemented into a conglomerate by the infiltration of
carbonate of lime. These gravels are post-trappen as they contain rolled pieces
of agate, bloodstone etc. The lower portion of these fossil beds is composed of
gravels and sand ; below this it has clay, sand and pebbles. Oldham, RGSI
4-78 9.
The older alluvium covers large areas in the Kanhan valley, is 8J> feet
thick and lithologically distinguished from the newer by the presence of a great
abundance of kankar It is now being eroded. From one of the beds of the
conglomerate in the older alluvium. Dr. Fermor extracted a worked palaeolithic
chert core We have evidence in this valley of the existence of two alluvia
with corresponding period of Stone Culture. Hayden, op. cit. 36.
10 See Memoir Geological Survey of India, 6-232 and RGSI 32-199-200 and
also other references cited therein,
w RGSL 32. 201-202.
STUDIES IN PREHISTORY OP THE DECCAN
191
of the gravel conglomerate patches forming part of the river bed, about a
mile upstream from Nandur, near the left bank, fossil remains of the
cranium and tusk of an elephant, as also, ‘a portion of the lov/et jaw of
a hippopotamus, containing the incisor and canine teeth/ The latter was
unfortunately immediately lost (stolen from the camp at night), but ‘the
former proved to be the remains of an individual of remarkable size, who
must have stood at least 16 feet at the shoulder, the tusk measuring 25 inches
in circumference at the base.’ Pilgrim thought the elephant in question
belonged to the species of Elephant Antiquus (Namadicus), who had pos-
sibly originated in Europe and migrated thence to India etc. As to the age
of the finds he considered them to be contemporaneous with that of the
Narbada fossil remains, since the alluvial deposits of the Godavari were
approximately of the same age as that of the Narbada. These deposits,
according to him belonged to the Lower Pleistocene period, if not later.
The cultural evidence, pointing to the existence of man during this
geological period, is the discovery of an aga^? flake, which was found by
Wynne in about 1863,^® just below the village of Mungi, near Paithan.
Here the river bank is about 50 feet in height. And the flake was discover*
ed about 20 feet above the base of the cliff, ‘ in a bed of uncompacted
sub-calcareous conglomerate, gravelly and containing shells of species similar
to those now living ini the neighbourhood.’ The flake is 2i inches in length,
and about 7/12 inch in bread^Ji, formed from a compact light coloured
agate chip. It is slightly curved, and at one end it is so sharp, and the edges
are so rounded as to resemble ‘a carving knife for game.’ The other end
has a tang like extension, ‘ which may have served as a means of attach-
ment to a handle.’ The sharp cutting edges are much blunted and hacked.
The flake was supix)sed to be an artifact and! its discovery was acclaim-
ed as of great importance by the then geologists Blandford, Oldham,
Foote and others as evidencing the early appe'arance of man in India.
But nothing was done to follow up the discovery except by Wynne himself,
“ who made a careful search in the neighbourhood for other specimens, but
without success.” The result was that this find was cited in all the later
works on Indian prehistory and museum catalogues as a typical specimen
of the Godavari industry, and the closing words of Oldham, ” It is
however, as yet the only case on record of such occurrence of works of
human art in these beds in this country. And we would earnestly seek the
cooperation of those who may be more permanently in the vicinity of these
deposits to institute and maintain a search for others,” remain true, as far
as ihe Godavari is concerned, till today.
The specimen is indeed typical. Its age is undoubted. It is small,
and dissimilar from other contemporary river drift implements of India
which are bigger, and are of quartz, quartzite, trap etc. but not of agate,
chalcedony and other similar varieties. By its age it would be called a
See note 10 above.
« Oldham, RGSI 1*65 ff., pi. I.
192
H. D. SANKALIA
palaeolith ; by its form and size, a microlith, similar to those found all over
the loess deposits in Gujarat-Kathiawad, as well as in Central India, the
Central Provinces, Hyderabad State and South India.
Two things are therefore necessary to study this problem. The first is
to survey the Godavari and other rivers of Maharashtra which have old
alluvium deposits and search for artifact-like agate and other similar flakes
and cores, and pebbles and fractures of this type of stones for comparison ;
artifacts of other varieties of stone (these would be mostly of trap) as well as
fossil remains. Secondly it is desirable to study the fracture of agate and
like stones under natural and artificial conditions.
Both these were attempted during the year on a small scale.
II
For the commencement of a systematic survey of the Godavari and its
tributary the K'adva, Niphad was found suitable.^'^ It is about 8 miles to
the north-west from Nandur-Madhmeshwar,^^ the site of the famous fossil
finds of 1*904, whereas Niphad itself is situated on the confluence of the
Kadva and the Vadlali (here called Vainatha) Nala,2i and about a couple
of miles from the main G.I.P, line running north-eastwards. Its proximity
to Poona' was also a consideration.
Nandur lies on the left bank of the Godavari, at a distance of a mile and
half from its sangam with the K^va. It is this area, comprised between
the sangam and the village that is geologically, palaeoniologically, and
archaeologically important. It is the first place after the Godavari rises in
the high ridges at Trimbak, forces its way through the first ten rugged miles,
and passes through Nasik that the high cliff-like banks, composed of the
ancient alluvium are visible. Everywhere the bed and the bank are both
rocky, though high. Even at Nandur the bed is rocky, but beyond the
sangam from the Godavari Weir, we see first long, winding, high, left bank,
gradually descending as it were towards Nandur ; the broad, almost a
quarter of a mile, rocky bed of the river, cut up into several channels ; the
“midway” (Madhmeshwar) Siva temple, and the low right bank impercept-
ibly rising into the plains. Beyond this the left bank almost falls into a
peneplain, the old alluvial deposits having been almost washed off. These
reappear as low cemented gravel patches in the bed of the river opposite
The writer would thank here Mr. B. K. Apte, a student of the History
Department who, through the kindness of his cousin Mr. M. S. Vartak arranged
for his stay with Mr. M. G. Virkul at Niphad. Mr. Virkul not only proved
to be an excellent host, but took a keen interest in our’ work and contributed not a
little to make our vial successful. Both Mr. D. R. Patil, one of the senior
students who took part in the survey and the writer are grateful to Mr, ViRKUL.
See Survey Map, 1 inch = 1 Mile, Sheet No. 46 i (Bombay)
21 Ibid.
H. D. SANKALtA
m
Nandur and near the right bank which for a quarter of a mile has a high
bank.
We first took up the survey of the left bank, where the alluvial deposits
dip down ; since it is almost opposite the Madhmeshwar temple, this section
is called Nandur Madhmeshwar, the finds bearing the abbreviation NM-I.
It was wise that this spot was selected first. For it is here and for a little
distance upwards that the ancient gravel stratum is best exposed for study.
Further upwards near the Weir, though the bank is higher, it consists mainly
of fine, trap-decomposed, brown silty clay, the river having encroached in-
wards has eroded the old alluvial bed, remnants of its gravelly part lying
exposed in the river-bed. It is from these that Pilgrim had excavated the
elephant cranium.^^
The left bank, bearing the gravel layer, opposite Madhmeshwar, is ap*
proximately 25 to 40 feet in height gradually descending lower down jthe
course of the river, (and ascending, after a little dip, marked by a shallow
gulley into a cliff — ranging from 40 to 60 feet in height). How it is com-
posed can be best explained by the following section.=2*» The gravel bed is
a little more than 10 feet in thickness, say in the centre of the section, but
lessens down to 5 feet or less at its lower end, whereas in its upper end it
suddenly dips down, and is seen capping the trap bed of the river.=^® The
gravel bed lies everywhere without any unconformity over the trap founda-
tion, but just where the photograph was taken it seems to rest on a thin
layer of yellowish clay.“^ This clay may not be an actual layer, but a re-
wash covering the lower horizon of the gravel bed, though it did not appear
to be a rewash, for little digging showed that it did extend inwards.
The gravel is not very hard, and looks whitish brown or grey where it
is freshly exposed, few blocks of it loosened from the parent bed lie scat-
tered over the talus. These provide an excellent piciure of the composition
of the gravel, which is shown to consist principally of small pebbles mostly
of trap, ranging from 2 to 4 inches in diameter, but at times of quartz and
agate, cemented together into a calcareous amglomerate. Long, bone-like,
Icankar nodules are also found, usually at the junction of the gravel and the
recent alluvium.
The gravel bed yielded a small tubular fragment of a fossilized bone,
a fine, small, chalcedony arrow-head-like specimen and a few agate and
chalcedony flakes. Pebbles of agate, and trap as well as shells were also
collected, for a comparative study, in situ.
^ It is these which are shown in the Survey Map by large black blocks.
2^ The exact spot, as remembered by an old fisherman who served as our
guide, now lies adjoining a river-bed-field.
^ Fig. 1. Fig. 2. Fig. 3.
27 Fig. 4. as Fig. 5.
Though not upwards, where the gravel forms a part of the river-bed. Cf.
also Pilgrim, op. dt., 201.
STUDIES IN PREHISTORY OF THE DECCAN
195
The survey higher up the course proved unproductive. For as des-
cribed above, thou^ the bank is high, the gravel lies low washed by the
river. A couple of implement-like pieces of blackish trap were found from
the surface of the gravel bed. But these seem to be recent fractures, in
which the river-bed abounds. They are evidently the rejected fragments
of the blocks quarried from the river bed for building the Weir. Some
of the pieces are indeed' fine. One picked up by the writer near the
Madhmeshwar temple would easily pass off as a neolithic celt. *
llie second place on the left bank where the gravel remains exist is
situated opposite the village of Nandur, just in front of the temples, where
people gather in a fair on religious festivals, and bathe in the river. From
the village it is approached by descending the mound on which are situated
the temples. Then crossing a narrow, shallow channel of the! river, one' once
again climbs up or circuits a small rising ground in the midst of the broad,
rocky river bed, from where one sees the river bank gently sloping into the
watery bed of the river. These features reveal extensive and irregular denu-
dation by the river. The high cliff-like bank from here lies at a distance of
half-a-mile. Had it extended untouched we would have found the old gravel
stratum forming part of the bank. Instead we find that the river has re-
duced and split up the bank, leaving a small portion of the bank between its
two channels, while the main bank lies on the left, away from the river.
It is between the mid-channel bank and) the principal watery bed of the
rivet that patches of ancient gravel beds lie exposed.'^*^ Here they appear
dark grey and have become very hard. From the surface of one of these
hard gravel patches a couple of fossil bones were excavated, as also a small
flake No. 10. This locality, to distinguish it from the first, is called Nandur
Mad'hmeshwar-I I .
Traversing the rocky river bed, full of large quarry-made trap pieces,
many of which were about to turn into pebbles, we arrived at the right bank,
just where it is about 25 to 30 feet in height.'^’ Here too the gravel is eroded,
and patches lie submerged in water,*'’'^ which is rather deep and flows in a
fairly wide channel further down, almost cutting the bank into a steep wall.
This prevented us from examining the bank, which lower down, at a distance
of 1 furlong, had retained the old gravel bed in situ. It was disappointing,
for though from a distance the bed appeared to consist of small pebbles only,
we would have perhaps succeeded in finding a few agate cores and flakes.
We had by now surveyed the Godavari from the sangam upto the bend,
where it turns, almost at right angles, southwards, and flows into a compa-
30- Fig. 6.
This place was noticed by Pilgrim, op. cit., 201. He also mentions (loc.
cit.) small gullies on the left bank. A few of these we examined, but they are made
by the erosion of soft brown silt, down to the road level, whereas many are ver^^
shallow, and rounded by deposition, Both these leave little scope for the search
of finds.
32 Fig. 7.
196
«. ft samcmja
ilte^dy narrow, but djallow course full of water. It was thought inadvisable
to fdkw it up at this point We therefore turned our attoition to one of its
major tributaries, the Kidva.
The KSdva rises into the Sayhadri spurs to the north-west of Dindori.
For the most part it has a shallow, undulating rocky bed, and banks. But
at a few i^aoes we do find patches of the old alluvium, particularly its gravel
content, overlying the trap bed, or bank of the river.
The first and the largest deposit that came within our survey lies on the
left bank, just where the Kadva joins the Vainatha Nala, exactly opposite
an old small Siva temple. The spot lies almost adjoining the main road
going to Vinchur, and is about half a mile from the Niphad post-crffice. The
gravel patches extend over 50 yards in length, about 10 yards inwards in
width towards the road, and are approximately 10 feet in depth. They
overlie the trap bed of the river, which, where the gravel is eroded, is capped
by brown, loamy silt. The gravel appears dark grey and is extremely hard.
At places, its lower horiaxm is being hollowed by the river water.®'* From one
of these hollows we dug out with gfeat difficulty, a large piece of bloodstone,
bearing unmistakable signs of flaking and three large pieces,— all varieties
of dialcedony, (one is almost green, the second is a variety, with white and
brown streaks and the third is an oval hand-axe-shaped white variety). The
trap pdibles embedded in the gravel are comparativdy bigger, about 4 inches
long, and 2 inches in circumference.
Lower down a small section of the gravel is exposed on the left bank at
a little distance above the village of Jalgaon. Its depth is very little, the
gravel resting on a trap foundation, and covered by a thin layer of yellowish
alluvium which is further covered by its darkish variety. No finds were made
here.
Along its upper course leading towards the railway bridge, a gravel patch
occurs, about } a mile above the sangam of the Kadva and the Vainatha
Nala, Oi^DOsite the village of Rasalpur. This locality is called RP-1. Only
two small trap pebbles were collected from this site. But a small, mostly
eroded patch, called locality RP-2, standing as a solitary Wock, 2 furlongs
further up, little away from the actual river-bank, yielded a small oore-like
agate piece, 1 indi in breadth, and inch in length, trimmed all round and
ovei both surfaces. One side of its longer axis has an irregular edge, formed by
the intersection of the sloping upper and lower surfaces. It was found in
situ and collected together with its gravel matrix. Near this, on the surface,
was also found a small hand-axe-like piece of chalcedtmy completdy enve-
loped by a White film. The piece has a flat faceted butt-end, a small mid-
ridge half way the upper surface and aiding in a point, and two rather deep
scars cm the right hand bade comer. The under surface! is flat, just under-
neath the point, but has a small ridge, formed by the cutting away of the
*• Fig. 8.
Fjg. 6. The eroded left bank at Nandur. Here the ^^ravel as in Fij;. 1 lies
in the river-bed. A larj'e fossil bone (identified as a portion of the left hip bone
ol an adult human bein^, of a short stature not more than 5 feet in height ) was
dut: out from the cemented gravel patch where Mr. P.MIL stands.
Fic. 7. A gravel patch forming jiait Fif, 8. Tlie hard, dark grcN , loii. v.-
of the river bed, near the right bank. ed gra\el on the left bari.k •'( die
Kadva-\'ainatha sangam, Niph.u].
11. Finds Irom the old Ck)D\VAKi and Kadva (kavcl.
(This piiotoRiaph was kindly prepared by Mr. Jogllkar, Arch,
Survey. AV. Circle, Poona).
mBm mim m as m t of tto oicaM
Hr
Idt dde. The «Iao ykdded a laiie'>dzed tnp piece, iriikh eves in its
hi(^jr ralkd st^ with its 8trai{^t cutting edge^ focmed by doping eurfaces,
and a di^itiy tounded U-shaped butt-end, would pass off as a deaver.
Unfortunatdy no other onroborative evidence is availt^ to dedare it as an
imidement.
The last place where the gravd is slightly ocposed is at right anodes to
the 1st mile stone ftom the Niphdd station. It is a small, low patch. A
couple of agate flakes were collected ini situ from it.
A full description! of the most important finds is appended to this note.
The question that now remains to be discussed is whether these finds are im-
plements. For doing so one has to take into oraisideration their
(t) stratigraphical position,
(it) technique,
(tit) relaticm to natural ^)ecimens, and
(iv) relation to known artificial s^ ecimens— i.e. implements.
The findspot of majority of the ‘ finds ' was the old gravel stratum which
geologically (m palaeontological evidence cannot be older than the Lower
Pleistocene, and in all probability is Middle Reistoc^.
The technique includes diape, and the manner of flaking. Almost all
the finds are flakes. The two or three trap specimens are much weathered, so
it is difficult to describe ddinitely their manner of flaking. In one case No. 9
Levall<HS-type of flaking seems to be implied. The rest — agate and chalce-
dony pieces — exhibit what is known as pressure flaking, as well as the employ-
mart of Levallois technique.
The natural specimens whidi can be compared with these finds are the
numerous — ^mostly agate pieces— which a careful observer notices on the trap
hills around Poona. Veins of agate etc. cross these hills. And <me ^dy-
ing their modes of fracture, can see small and large pieces, which have just
flaked off fr<»n the parent body, only one side showing a clean smooth sur-
face ; then pieces which are so flaked on both sides ; pieces, having no traces
of the originally uneven cortex, but a fine, concboidal bulb of percussion on
the under surface, and one or more flake scars, made as it were by pressure
flaking Of course such fine pieces are comparatively few, as the writer’s
several mcmths’ study of the Fergusson College hill and its surroundings show-
ed. But they are nevertheless there, and point to the fact that agate can
under natural conditions assume a surface and form which we see in later
palaeolithic industries and micrdiths.
At the same time scnne of the finds from the (Sodfivari and KBdva gravel
Nos. 1-4, 14 are so similar, almost identical with the mkrdithic cores and
flakes brou^t to lij^t by the Gujarat Prehistoric Expedition that one would
not be aUe to distinguish them from the latto* if they are iflaced together.
Indeed both stylistically and stratigrsqdiically the Godflvari finds preseitf a
proUem. Aomdinil to the latter they fall into the early or middle {MdaeoU-
H. D. SANKALIA
thic period ; according to the former they recall the microlithic culture of the
Epipalaeolithic or Neolithic period. Were it not for the palaeontological
evidence, assigning the gravel bed to the Middle Reistocene, one would on
the stylistic evidence of finds, if they are really implements, assign them to
the proto-Neolithic period, the gravel itself resembling in many respects, in
its agate, chalcedony, and trap content, while the upper stratum of the allu-
vium, varying from yellowish to brown and black tints — similar newer al-
luvium of the Narbada.^^
The discovery of fossil bones does not help the solution of the problem
either. It proves once again that the Godavari gravel is ossiferrous. But
the identification of a rather large piece from NM-II, by Dr. G. M. Kurul-
KAR of Seth G. S. Medical G>llege, Bombay, (who very kindly and promptly
acceded to the writer’s request for its identification) as * a part of a fossi-
lized human bone, (which) can be easily identified as a portion of the left
hip bone. The bone in question belonged to an adult of a short stature of
approximately not more than 5 feet in height,’ is indeed an interesting piece
of evidence. Unfortunately the specimen cannot be definitely assigned to
the Middle Pleistocene, for though it was found embedded in the old gravel
stratum, the latter lay exposed in the river bed. So the specimen may have
been washed thither from a later age deposit and got embedded in it.
Nevertheless the fact that, so far, this is the first recorded evidence of the
discovery of a human bone in the old alluvial deposits deserves to be noted.
The solution of the problem in its present state cannot but be hypo-
thetical. Perhaps further geological and archaeological studies of the
Mahailashtra rivers, particularly the Godavari — ^might offer a clue to its
solution. It is hoped to extend the survey over the middle course of this
river, embracing particularly the following areas : — ^Puntamba,'^^ where
the gravel is shown to exist on both the banks ; Kokamthan,^“ both banks ;
Kanhegaon,'^® left bank ; Chas,'^* both banks, just where it is crossed by the
road to Vinchur ; Murshatpur,^* left bank ; Kopargaon,'*® both banks (just
above the town), and Brahmangaon downwards to Paithan a‘nd Mungi
where the map does not shov/ giavel patches, but several small gullies cut-
ting up the high alluvial banks on either side.'^®
APPENDIX
Descriptim of important finds.
No. 1. Site— Nandur Madhmeshwar-I.
Locus.— Left bank of the Godavari, 1 mile down the Weir.
De Terra and Patersont, op, cit,, 319-20.
Survey Sheet Map 1 inch = 1 Mile. No. 47^/0.
Ibid. 4714 . 3 - Ibid,, 47^4. as 47M/^^
"Similar seems to be the case between the Pravara Sangam and the area
downwards.
STUDIES IN EREHlSTC«Y OF THE DECCAN
199
Level.— / w situ gravel, 15 feet above the bed of the river.
Material. — C halcedony. Condition — Slightly rolled.
Size.— li" x j"
Object. — A thick, triangular, arrow-head-like piece with a blunt point ; has
a tang-like sloping protuberance at the back ; tlie under side is similar in shape,
but has got an almost level surface. It has signs of pressure chipping on both
these surfaces, whereas the right side, which is 2 mm. (about J inch) high, and
the left which is i inch high have a smooth flat surface. Both these meet at an
angle, whose edge, about i inch in height, is blunt.
No. 2. Site— Nandur Madhmeshwar-I.
Locus. — ^Left bank of tl e (Godavari, 1 mile down the Weir.
Level. — In situ gravel, 15 feet above the river bed.
Material. — Chalcedony, Condition— slightly weathered.
Size.— 13/16"
Object.— C rescent or lunate blade. It has chipped or worked back, and
sloping, but blunt and uneven edge.
No. 3. Site— Nandur Madhmeshwar-I.
Locus. — Left bank of the (jodavari, 1 mile down the Weir.
Level. — I n situ gravel about 15 feet above the river-bed.
Material,— Chalcedony, whitish yellow. Condition— Slightly weathered.
Size.— 9/10"
Object. -Crescent or lunate blade. It has a convex outer side, slightly
worked, and a concave inner side, marked by a rather deep flake scar. The upper
surface shows definite signs of pressure flying.
No. 4. Site — Nandur Madhmeshwar-I.
Locus. — ^Left bank of the Godavari, about 1 mile down the Weir.
Level. — In situ gravel.
Material.— Agate — flight blue. Condition— fresh.
Size.— 13/16"
Object.— Flake, the upper surface has a mid-ridge, higher near the point ;
it also bears two small flake scars. One side has a fully serrated edge ; the other
partly.
No. 6. Site— Nandur Madhmeshwar-I.
Locus. — ^Lcft bank of the CJodavari, 1 mile down the Weir.
Level. — In situ gravel.
Material — Chalcedony, pinkish. Condition— slightly rolled.
SIZE.---1" 13/16.
Objex:t. — Blade— Scraper ? The object has one side roughly rounded, and
sloping, while the other is straight. Three sides arc cleanly faceted, all meeting
into a dull point.
No. 7. Site— Nandur Madhmeshwar-I.
Locus. — ^Left bank of the Godavari, 1 mile down the Weir.
Level. — In situ gravel.
Material.— Chalcedony, dark red with greyish tints.
Condition.— S lightly rolled. Size— 2"i.
Object. — ^L evallois-like broad flake or scraper. It has a clean, smooth imder
surface, with a small bulb of percussion on one side, and a possible erasure. The
surface has a few marks of flaking, but these, as well as the marks on both the
side edges are now dull owing to slight rolling and use? The end oppodte the
one having the bulb of percussion has a faceted side.
ao6
H. D. SkUKKLtk
No. 8. Site— Nandur Madhmeshwar4.
Locus. — ^Left bank of the Godavari, 1 mile down the Weir.
Level. — In situ gravel.
Material. — ^Light grey trap. Condition — Slightly rolled.
Size.— 3''
Object.— ‘Knife-like blade. It has a clean under surface. The upper surface
shows 5 flake scars, whose edges are now rounded! by rolling. Towards the pointed
end, as well as on the under surface, there is thin yellowish film of silt.
No. 9. Site — ^Nandur MadhmeshWar-I.
Locus.— Left bank of the Godavari, 1 mile down the river.
Level.-‘/« situ gravel.
Material.— Light grey trap. Condition— Slightly rolled.
Size.—!" 9/16.
Object. — Piece of a thin blade. It has a smooth under surface, stained by
iron oxide ; the upper has a small or shallow ridge, down which the platforms
slope. Due to rolling they are not clear cut. The edges formed by the inter-
section of the sloping upper sides and the under side arc even now fairly sharp.
The back of the blade is recently broken.
No. 10. Site — Nandur Madhmeshwar-II.
Locus.— Peneplain, left bank, opix)site Nandur.
Level. — In situ gravel in the bed of the river.
Material. — Chalcedony, chocolate with greenish tints.
Condition.— Slightly rolled. Size— 1" 9/10.
Object. — Side-scraper? It has a clean, flaked (?) under surface; the upper
surface has almost a mid-ridge, the shorter, but steeper side of which is chocolate,
and retains a patdi of the original cortex, while the broader side, shows a broad,
side, flake scar, and additional signs of flaking. The edgess are not sharp.
No. 12. SitCr— Niphad.
Locus.— Left bank of the junction of the Kadva and Vainatha Nala.
Level. — In situ conglomerate.
Material. — Bloodstone. Condition — slightly green with reddish streaks ; polish-
ed owing to weathering.
Size.— 2i" x i*"
Object. — Now a rectangular piece, having several flake scars on the upper
surface. On the under surface the scars arc fewer, but there is one which is very
deep, about j of an inch ; the longer sides are also similarly flaked. One end
is smooth (though flaked originally) ; the other retains most of the original cortex.
Both ‘step' as well as ‘pressure’ flaking seem to have been used.
No. 13. Site — Rasalpur.
Locus.— Left bank of the Kadva.
Level.— S urface of the gravel.
Material.— Chalcedony ? Condition— Slightly rolled and covered with a
whitish encrueitation.
Size.— x 8/10"
awfiCT.— Triangular piece, like a small hand-axe. About i of its upper sur-
face, that towards the pwnt, has a imd-ridge ; this becomes irregular and fades out
towards the butt-end. It however is marked by two rather deep flake scars on
the right hand side. The under side is uneven, having a large flake taken off on
the left side, causing a small ridge, between the point and the raised butt-end.
The butt-enefi has a flat platform ; the point and the sides are formed by the
intersection of the sloping upper and lower surfaces. The edges of the latter are
not sharp.
STUDIED In prehistory of the DECCAN
201
No. 14. Site.— Ra®lpur-II.
Locus. — Left bank of the Kadva, about 2 furlongs above the village
Level. — In situ gravel patch, a little away from the actual river bank.
Material. — Agate, bluish white. Condition — Fresh.
Size.— 1 "3/10 x i"
Object. — Core Scraper? A roundish piece, completely flaked over on both
surfaces, but on the upper surface there is a rather deep lengthwise flake scar,
while many small scars mark one half of the under surface. There is an irregular
and blunt, edge on three sides caused by secondary chipping, the remaining side
has a broad facet.
BULLLTlN D, C. R. 1. VOL. IV.
IS
+-+-*-<-1-^<-v'*'* ‘■^■* V'ffi -+.4 ♦^.•4 4 . 4 . 4 ^.,
-4 V+- 4- »- + •'~++^* -^+-^'^-^'--^'^V-1-4-fr+-(
-,i-4 4 . 4 - + t-1-V41--4-»4--et4--4-^4-t+>4.4
4-r + V 4- t- t V4■4^+■^^1•■t--^4.^ 4 .I- 4 . 4 . 4 .
“U ^ ^ V i“ t- t- ^ r
1-r + V V- ^ t
Vj 4 ^4 V i“ 1r t- i~ »• r 4- ^
PRESENT BCD or THE GODSvARI.
SOIL OP LOAl^V CHAA^TER WiT4| ^^gVELLOWISH BROWN SILT
CAFPir/Q Of RcauR EESSlTRAP ROCK COVERtD WITH
^ TRAVEL etO— OSSirfiROUS AWD IHPteiiENTIF&ROVS TALUS.
Fig. 2. Generalized Longitudinal Section along the left bank of the
Godavari at Nandur-Madhme?hwar, Nasik District,
AN UNRECORDED KANARA CAMPAIGN BY THE
MARATHAS
By
T. S. Shejwalkar.
Busy historians in trying, to write complete histories sometimes pass over
oMain important episodes and never once mention them. We have come
across such a lapse on their part. The lapse is rather inexplicable as it is
connected with such a comparatively late event as Cornwallis’ war on Tipu
Sultan in 1791-2, of which many Englishmen also have written in profusion.
A tripartite alliance of the English, the Nizam and the Peswa, was jointly
carrying on this war against Tipu and the forces of the Marathas were both
jointly and severally carrying on the war into the Mysore territories. While
Haripant F*hadke was acting in unison with Lord Cornwallis in the South,
Parshuram Bhau Patwardhan was somewhat erratically invading Tipu’s do-
minions in the north-west, with an English battalion under Captain Little.
After capturing the fort of Dharwar by April 1791, Bhau invaded the Bed-
nore area, carrying sword and fire whetever he went. They respected neither
friend nor foe, the' chartered but uncontrollable Pindarees accompanying the
army pillaging everj^hing they came across. They even looted the sacred
monastery of the Hindu Pope' of Sringeri. What wonder that the whole
region so ransacked felt the effects® of the invasion for two generations !
The various narraters of these events, English and Indian, have noted
the facts for the plateau region of Bednore above the ^ats. But few have
taken cognizance of the fact that this havoc had descended down the ghats
on the coastal region of Kanara also. Only the learned and assiduous Dr.
Buchanan'' has casually mentioned the event in his journey through the
district in 1801. This is what he wrote in his diary : ‘ About ten years ago,
a predatory band of Marathas, under the command of Balu Row, came this
way, destroyed entirely the Agraram of Kiramaneswara and the inhabitants
were swept away from all the neighbouring country.’ (p. 108). Writing of
Bailur he says that ‘not half the number of cultivators required for tilling
the land remained ’' (p. 136), Vol. III. This drew my attention towards
the event and then and there I began a search. While I could find no men-
tion of the fact in all the renowned histories, to my delight I found the fact
noted in the introductory gist of letters written by the late Vasudevashastri
Khare at the beginning of his ninth volume of the collecti(xi of historical
1 Aitikasika Lekhasmgraha, Part IX, by V. V. Khare. Nos. 3336, 3338, 3342,
2 Ibid., p. 4494.
s A Journey through Mysore, Ctmara and, Malabar, Vol, 3,
AN UNRECORDED KANARA CAMPAIGN BY THE MARATHAS
205
documents. His mention^ of the fact is based on four original Maratlii
letters written by the actors in the field themselves. They narrate the events
to their employer at home, in this case to Gangadharrao alias Balasaheb
Patwardhan residing at Miraj.
From the first letter"^ written at the end of May 1791 from Hangal on
the Dharwar-Kanara-Mysord State comer, it is learnt that the Peswa’s fleet
stationed at Vijaydurg on the Ratnagiri coast had invaded the Kanara
coast south of Goa during the fair season and occupied coastal posts. When
the main fleet with its complement of fighting marines returned home for the
rainy season, T'pu’s troops invaded the region from the south and took back
those posts upto Mirjan. Thereupon Baburao Salonkhe, v;ho led the re'-
maining coastal guards with small frigates, sent an emissary clerk to Parshu-
riam Bhau asking^* for help of troops to meet the danger. It is not known
whether direct help was sent to him, but a Captain of Bhau’s named Nara-
singrao Devaji did descend into the coastal regions of Kanara and occupied
the whole coastal strip.” This Captain had been detached from Dharwar
while the siege was still going on, with orders to proceed to the help of the
Chief of Bilgi to the west of Siddapur on the Kanara uplands. Tim chief
had been ousted by his enemies who had kepr him in prison. He opened talks
with the Marathas who set him free and again established him at Bilgi. For
this help he became an inner guide of the Marathas in conquering those re-
gions. With five hundred trained troops and three thousand local levies,
order was esrablished in the region and then the troops descended the ghats.
They attacked the enemy concc*ntration there, killing their leader and his
chief lieutenants, at which the trooios took to flight. Narsingrao Devaji
(hen occupied Chandavar, Honawar, Gersoppa. Dhareshwar, Murdeshwar,
Shirale and other mahals and established their posis upto Bhatkal where
they had perforce to canton for the rains at the beginning of August. Heavy
rains had swelled the rivers, widened the estuaries and made the sea unser-
viceably rough. Nothing could be done till the rains stopix'd.
After the rains, Narasingrao proceeded south from Bhatkal, occupying
Baindur, Kiramanjeswar and Gangoli. He then went east upto the foot of
the ghats upto Hosangady, the ghat leading up to Bednore, and advanced
parties climbed up the ghat also till Bednore remained only ten miles ahead.
There Tipu’s forces of two thousand infantry and a thousand cavalry attack-
ed them suddenly, inflicting heavy losses. Following their success they des~
cended the ghats and began guerilla tactics. Narasingrao was sitting at Gan-
goli with a view to attack Kundapur fort to the south of the cretek. Finding
his position untenable there, he had to fall back to Honawar, so as to be in
touch with his line of communication. He had to re'cross some seven creok'^
as there was no space for Maratha cavalry tactics in that cramped region.
4 Khare, IX, p. 4478.
5 Ibid., No. 3342.
« Ibid,, No. 3349.
7 Ibid., No. 3364,
206
T. S. SHEJWALKAR
At Honawar he collected more men and ammunition, again crossed those same
creeks and besieged Kundapur at the beginning of November 1791. It is
likely that the small Maratha squadron of Baburao Salonkhe was helping the
Maratha troops in crossing the creeks and generally on the water-front. Eng-
lishmen® also seem to be co-operating in this affair, whether as gunnets or
marines. What these allies intended was to cut off Tipu's communications with
the seat, thus isolating Bednore, then being surrounded by Parashuram Bhau
up the ghats. Bhiau had succeeded in forcing a retreat on Rezasaheb® who
had advanced to check Bhau, with the help of Capt. Little’s battalion. But
later on Bhiau had to leave the scene and march^^^ post-haste to the help of
Cornwallis then be*Sieging Seringpatam, as previously decided in the plan of
operations by the allies. This seems to have given a set-back to the coastal
operations of Narasingrao Devaji, which naturally came to a close with Tipu’s
signing of a partition-treaty at the end of February 1792.
The region of this isolated and short campaign originally formied a part
of two states, Bednore and Sonda. These states were tributary to the
Marathas from the days of :Sivaja, and as such were portions of the Maratha
Kingdom. After iSahu’s return, they paid tribute to the Peswa Balaji Vi§wa-
niath in 1717,^^ but that right was formally conceded by Sahu to the Kolhapur
Raja in the final partition treaty of 1721.^- The recovery of the tribute how-
ever depended on the military strength behind the demand for it. Kolhapur
found it impossible to collect their dues and so later on the Peswas entered
the field ostensibly as agents of Sambhaji of Kolhapur.^-^ There were other
claimants for the same tribute also. Nizam-ul-Mulk, Murarrao Ghorpade,
the Nawab of Savnur, all had their hands in the pie. Fatesing and Raghuji
Bhonsale, Babuji and Abaji Naik, also^^’ cast avaricious glances towards the
same and made matters complicated for the Peswia. When the Peswa Nana-
sahib got full control over the Maraiha State* after 1752, he brought all these
states into a common line of tributarit^s. Bednore paid twelve lakhs^^ a year
as tribute. After the death of its last able ruler Budi Basappa Nayak, his
wife Virammaji^^’ ruled over the state for almost a decade*, first with her son
Channa Basappa, and later after his strangulation, herself. When she adopt-
ed a son of her maternal uncle, Patan^k?t of Bankapur, without Peswa’s cog-
nizance, she was reprimanded for her conduct by Balvantrao^^ Mehendale,
the Peswa’s agent. This adopted boy Somasekhar Nayak together with Vir-
ammaji was imprisoned by Haidar Ali when he captured Bednore in 1763.
They were kept in the fort of Madgiri, which was captured by Madhavrao
Peswa in 1767. They were set free, honoured*® and sent to Poona. Vir-
« Ibid., No. 3390. « Ibid., No. 3411. Ibid., No. 3414.
Peswa Daptar, 30.308J p. 245.
Patren-Yadi-Vagairc (1930) Nos. 19, 20.
Peswa Daptar, 26.23 ; 28.37. Ibid., 28. 2, 3, 34, 37.
Ibid., 28.202. AO iiid„ 28.193. Ibid., 28.194,
1® Ibid., 37.147.,
AN unrecorded kanaka CAMPAIGN BY THE MARATHAS 207
ammaji died on the road to Poona, while Somasekhara died a bachelor long
afterwards. In the 1771 invasion of Mysore*, Trimbakrao Mama Pethe land-
wards and Visaji Keshava^^ by sea with a navy, had invaded and almost
occupied Bednore-Sonda territories, but the premature demise of Madhavrao
found them back in Poona. Raghoba the infamous gave back these conquests
to Haidar to espouse his cause,2‘> When let down by the English he sent his
comrades to Bednore by sea and had himself thought of repairing personally
to that place. His projects did not fructify and Bednore remained -in Haidar’s
possession. The Patwardhan family had spilled thei»* blood lavishly to take
back these lands, on account of which Parsliuram Bhau, a scion of that family
had invaded the land now with vengeance. But ultimately, — such is the
irony of history — it dropped from his hands, and finally was settled by the
English after Tipu in 1799. The lowlands of Sonda-Bednore were named
Canara and formed into a district.
^ Ibid., 37.224.
20
Ibid., 36.283, 390, 305.
KINSHIP TERMINOLOGY AND KINSHIP USAGES IN
GUJARAT AND KATHIAWAD*
By
I. KARVt.
I.
A detailed study of the kinship terminologies of various regions is
undertaken with a view to find out the cultural affinities of the peoples of
these regions. Such a study was . undertaken for the Maratlia country^ and
now similar studies are being undertaken of the neighbouis of the Marathas.
In this essay many inferences about the' customs of the people of Gujarat
are drawn. It is not suggested that these usages are in force among all
Gujarat castes today. On the contrary the very nature of the investigation,
which needs inferences from kinship terminology and folklore, shows that
the social pattern of today is different from that of the older days, and that
newer moral concepts liave gradually changed old folkways. Customs and
social institutions however do not die out entirely but leave their traces
behind in the thought and the language of the people. A reconstruction of
these' is undertaken with a view to find out cultural origins and the cultural
affinities of a j)eople. This is thus a historical study. The present paper
could not be illustrated fully from the literature of Gujarat and Kathiawad
as was done in the case of the Marathas. The investigator’s knowledge of
Gujarati is too inadequate for this venture. It is, however, hoped that the
gaps left in this attempt will be filled by some competent Gujarati scholar,
well versed in the folklore, legend and history of Gujarat and Kathiawad*
II.
Father’s father and father’s father’s father ;--There arc no
independent terms to show the relationship of grand-father and great-grand-
father. The word dada is sometimes used for grand-father but it denotes
also ‘father.’ In the expression djd-pmjva (the first day of the month of
Asvin when oblations are offered to the mother’s father) however, the word
* The author is thankful to the University of Bombay for a research grant, whidr
defrayed a part of the expenditure in connection with this investigation.
^ I have dealt with Kinship Terminology and Kinship Usages of the Maraffia
Country in BDCRl 1.327.
B I take this opportunity to record my very grateful thanks to my numerous
friends in Gujarat and Kathiawad, who have helped me in my investigations. Qiief
among these were Prof. G. G. Dhru, Ahmedabad, Mr. Ratilal DACU, Vadhvan (now
Nyayadhisa of Vala State) and Mr. Dave of Rajkot.
KmsHtf tie»minoLogy and usa<2:s in GUJARAT AND kathiAwad 209
aja meaning grand-father is found. In this expression it means mother’s
father. In the following expression dddd is used for father’s father.
3TJ# ^ 3tRT ^ ^ ^ JIHrIf smsn d” P- 66. Pt. 2.
Father : — Many words are used for father. The modem words ajp
bdpd, bdpa, bdpu, dddd atod bhd. The last two words are used in Kathiawad.
Besides these the words tdya or tdu are also found in old Gujarati,
gglf irfBt I V p. 108.
^ ^ I 5|if ^ ^ ^esit ^ I VIH P- 30, Pt. 1.
^ 5ii qi7; ^ i IX p. 54.
«IN rrnt ^ I VI p. 21.
ft q g w «r(t I V p. 21-52.
anar gw ?n3; I vi p. 21 .
The words tdu and tdya are not found in modem literature. Besides
these words, purely Sanskrit words like tdiU, pita etc. are used, the word
patydjX probably from pita, is used in folktales.
t ^ d Ihit 1 3d? 1 iv i)art 2, p. 37.
There are no words for mother's mother, though sometimes the word dddl
and ndfu are used.
Mother : — The word most commonly used is md, with its variant
md4l or mdvadt The words found in old Gujarati are mdya or mdyadl, mdyi
or mdyl. The other word used in modern times is bd. It is however not
found in older literature or in folksongs. The purely Sanskrit words mdtd
is used in folksongs.
snq^ wr ^ tnoft ara 1 Up- 20 .
flisur ^ »nq#Tr fisrar a?JTr 53 anadt f # 1
xiii Pt. 1 . p. 135.
q ata? iipft I VI p. 22.
aara ^ t^fasr wit I vi p. 20.
JiTf g ^ 3pft53i ^ 1 Vii p. 7.
aiag Wi at 1 V p. 62.
A number of words are used for the father’s house by a girl. In folk-
songs very loving references are found to the own brother’s or mother’s
brother’s house. These represent the kinsmen who would champion the
cause of a girl if she is ill-treated by anybody.
aia spK a 1 vi. p. 22.
III, Pi. 2 . p. 146.
gar ITl^HoS eroi, ^ SWI I- 3, Jayanand Kevap p. 148.
These words are piydr or piydru, mosdla, mosdiU^ The word nuAyer,
which would be equivalent to Marathi mdhera, meaning mother’s house, is not
27
BULLETIN D. C. R. I. VOL. tV.
210
MRS. 1. KARVE.
used as often, but was reported to me by the Nagara Brahhians. Among
them the bridegroom’s father’s sister is called mahydn and receives honours
as representing the woman born in the bridegroom’s house. This word is
equivalent to the Mar^i word mdhervdsvna applied to all women bom in
a family. The word mdhyara is found in the marriage songs of some castes.
wg T iwi m sTRfr t'“ x, p. 19 .
Parents The words mdvatara or mdvttra (Sanskrit mdtdpHarm)
are used.
§rrR5| «ni 1 v, p. 126 .
WT aiMt ’ at 1 iv, pt. 1 , p. 43 .
Father’s brother : — Father’s elder brother is called mdfd bdpu (elder
father), the younger brother is called kdkd or kdko\ The word kdkd is also
used for father’s brother generally. The latter word is of Turkish origin.
I was unable to find it in old Gujaratli literature. It is found in middle
Gujarati.
^ I XII, Pt. 1 , p. 15.
^ ^ 5!^ I I Pt. 3, Jayanand Kevap p. 205.
The word kdkd is used for the stepfather among many castes. It is
also used for the husband of the mother’s sister among some castes like Ahir,
Khavas, Rajput and Kathi.
Father’s sister : — ^The word /m, jui or fol are used in modern
Gujarati. Among the Brahmak^atris the word bud is use'd for father’s sister.
In old Gujarati the word fuyd is found.
5 ;^ ^ ^ 5 ii|en II. p. 345 .
^ atcR ^ W, aid?: 917 ^ I V, p. 109.
PcHyaru is the word used for the present which the aunt (father’s sister)
of the bridegroom receives. It is equivalent to the Maratha Aie ctr( antf )
aunt’s sari.
Mother’s brother. The word mama is used in modem as well as in
old Gujarati. In old Gujarati the word mmla is also found. Mameru is
the present received from the mother's brother on the’ occasion of marriage.
wm ai^ q;® i V, p. 17.
^ 37 feff, 511 7% Ni •
I, Pt. 3 , Jayanand Kevali p. 149.
7?#^ 013^ &7 SRqiT I I. Pt. 3, Jayanand Kevap p. 133.
* My friend Mr. G. G. Dhru wiites to say that the word mahma denotes the
marriage-pendal in this context. But as the marriage ceremony takes place in the
house of the bride, the word dbes convey the meaning given by me above. The
song is alsoi about the groom going to the bride’s house.
KINSHIP TraMINOLOGY AND USA<®S IN GUJARAt AND KATHIAWAD 211
Mother’s sister is called tnM in dd and as well as in modem
Gujarati. In my personal enquiries I found that the word tnasi is used
also for the step-mother.
5^ • V' P- 21-
331 flRft 3fri^ Hl«r I
I„ pt. 3 Vatsa Raja Devarapa p. 2.18.
Brother : — The word bhai is used in moddm Gujarati. In folktales
the word vlra is also used. In Kathiawad and Kachha the word bha is
used. Both these words and the word bmdhava and sahoyarn are found
also in old Gujarati literature.
fltei wi fro ^ I Hig qqr^ ssisiii sR Pt. 3. p. 74.
aiNt qftaiNl ^ l IV, Pt. 1. p. 10.
|WIf flf H H ^«I5 Cfl3 V. p. 67.
I VI, p. 6.
5153 8?^ I 51 aoiJ^ VI, p. 7.
q 51 API I ( VI, p. 18.
n I VI, p. 21.
i ^ tw am angift ^ q: I iii, Pt. 2, p. 67.
Father’s sister’s son ; Father’s brother’s son ; Mother’s sister’s
SON ; Mother’s brother’s son : — All these relatives are also called ‘ bro-
ther’ (bhdl), but in order to distinguish them from the own brother, expres-
sions like brother through father’s sister, (foidt bhai), brother through father’s
brother {pitrydy bhdi), brother through mother’s sister {musiat bhm) and
brother through mother’s brother i'tmsdlia bhdi) arc used. The expression
’ mddt jdyo vira ’ (brother born of my mother), which one meets with in folk-
literature, also points out to the distinction between own brothers and the
step-brothers.
HRi %, Hsfl 3n^ sfk I ni, pt. 2, p. 146.
In modern times the word bhm is used as a suffix for names of men and
means Mr. so and so, e.g. Gatu-bhm.
Sister : — In old Gujarati the words bahina or bdhini ox bhaini are found
while in modern Gujarati the word bena is used. Berd or bhetfi are found in
the folk-literature of Kathiarad.
iimr *n% 1 vi, p. 20.
5:1^ 3if|^ 5 , ^ H HHg I VI, p. 2.4
to nmi 1 v, p. 23.
TO^ 5551551 HRl^ I 5TOI VIII, pt. 1, p. 54.
III, pt. 2, p. 07.
In modem Gujarati the word bena besides its kinship connotation also con-
notes any woman and is used as a suffix for wom«i’s names e.g. Tara-h«»,
Ula-he» etc.
212
MRS. I. KARVE.
Father’s brother’s daughter ; Mother’s brother’s daughter ;
Father’s sister’s daughter ; Mother’s sister's daughter All these
relations are also termed bena (sister) and the same kind of arrangement is
used to distinguish the own sister from the daughters of various aunts and
uncles as was noted for the sons of aunts and uncles.
Son ; — In modern Gujarati the word used is dxhmo. It is sometimes
used to mean a boy without the kinship connotation. This word is not found
in old Gujarati. The word held is found in both modern and old GujarM.
In old Gujarati the word putta, puttu, puta and suya are used. They are not
found in modem Gujarati. Besides these words the word gaga is used^ in
Kathiawad. The word mobhx meaning the main beam on which the roof is
supported, is used in the sense of ‘ son because the son! represents the sup-
port of the house. Besides these, purely Sanskrit words like patra, tamya etc.
are used in literature in modern times. The words puta and chaiyo are
found in folk-sayings even in modern times.
*n I IV, pt. 1, p. 25.
an ^ *n?r (children )| sjorf ^ ^ I IV, pt. 1, p. 32.
^ nn anshpi i vi, p. i.
nw ^ ^ i V, p. 21 .
wss ^ ant n ^ n 3 ^ I V, p. 66 .
nsft ^ trb ^ 35 r 1 v, p. 20.
dim 3^ mnre, ms m 1 v, p. 77.
mtnr 1 ^ii> p- i®-
^ ^ ^ sfRi %nr 351 1 ii> p 242.
^ qrnt 1 iv, pt. 2, p. 70.
Daughter : — ^The word dikari or dikn is used most often. The word
gagl, dhtdl and chhodt are used in Kathiawad. In old GujarMI kanna or
kannd, dhuyd or dkuya and be{t or beladi are found.
nraiHsni i 1 IV, part i, p. 83.
mft %n I IV, part I, p. 41.
%n nnn 1 iv. pt. 2, p. 56 .
^ nm ananr ^ 1 viii, pt. 1, p. 3 D.
nww aim 3^ ^ • v, p. 12.
5E5i% mPm ^ mra 1 V. p. 83.
mfi: an^...fli|- v, p. 102.
n %T p dt55 n H 5 1 vi, p. 24.
The words difero and diferi seem to be very modem. They are not used much
by the Jain story tellers and poets of the middle-Gujarati period. I found
only one place where the word dikart is used.
mnit % ^ an^ 1
l, Pt, 3, Jayanand Kevap p. 187,
KINSHIP imilNOUXIY AND USAGES IN CUJARAt AND KATHliHWAD 213
Brother’s son : — ^The word is bhatrijo ; and it is used both when a
woman sp^s of her brother’s son or when a man speaks of his brother’s
sen).
^ I IV, pt. 1, p. 10.
Brother’s daughter is bhahifi or bhatrija (a short form) for both
man and woman.
wftsr hW fJrt ^ WT criw »h i xii. pt. i,. p. 15 .
Sister’s son and daughter are called bhmia and bhmfi respectively.
The words bhanka and bhunki are also used in popular tales.
«ft*R |gr, Sira gsi 1
I, Pt. 3 Vatsa Raja Devaraja p. 227.
^ 33!n % I IV, R. 1, p. 50.
Son’s son and daughter ; daughter’s son and daughter ; son’s
GRANDSON AND DAUGHTER’S GRANDSON ctc. : — 1 iiere are DO kinship terms for
these relations. Descriptive terms like son’s son—* dtkram dikro ’, and
daughter’s daughter — ‘ dtkrm dtkn ’ etc. are used.
Husband : — The words vera, dhmit, swdmi or sdm, pati or pai and
kantu are used from olden times up till now. In Gujarati, as in other
Indian languages, the husband is never addressed directly either by name or
by the kinship term' except in songs and tales. The husband and wife
speak of each other in the third person. The word vara is used oftener in
the sense of bride-groom.
^ 3Tfqofl ^ SR I V. p. 103.
*rsrr qi[*rrd9r wg? v, p. 21 .
l?r Slt^ 5115 ^ ^ V, p. 66.
I gsr tRf&r 1 l 7, mvRiTOJfl <cti, p- 18.
q3gpiftt3[ 55i»i ^ HRi vpiftg af «nsr q% § 1
IV, Part 2, p. 149.
Wife : — ^The word vahu or vau ; strl or astri ; bhurajd and kallalu
have been in use since olden times. In old Gujarati the word kalatta,
ghmmyi or gehhfi, bhajja or bhajjd, are used. The word vahu is used also
for the bride and tlie word vahuvdru is used for the women of a family
who belong to it by marriage and not by birth. In this sense the word is
the antithesis of the word mahydri which connotes the women bom in a
family. (These may go to other familie^s after their marriage but ar.
mahyaris they have certain rights and duties to perform on certain occa-
sions).
tf ^#15 Itl ^ anw I V, p. 65.
!ii^ r Pw q fil I V, p. 63.
#3^1^ 5 f3l gar ^ i V, p. 23,
214
MRS. I. KARm
?K55?r m I p- '^^•
?!3 ^TTOSI ^dot V, p. 42.
fl5ft|iR5lg?l¥J»fra5li55J(r«it I V, p. 20.
m 31 *ran i v, p. 63.
*nd ’irot ^ ^ P"
31^ 1 3ii^ 3nq5> snit ^ wi«ft i Pt. i, p. 31.
l>rait WFC^n aigro l I Part 7, q| p. 91.
Step-father is called by the same .terms as own father. He is also
called kdko among some castes. (Widow remarriage is allowed in some
castes only).
Step-mother is called sdmki md, apar may a, mmdya or ormon ma,
or mast.
t I n, p. 294.
c[5t^, rmft ltd araq m 1 1 Pt 2 . p. 259 .
Step-son (woman-speaiking> receives the same epithet as one’s own
son. When a man speaks of his step-son, there are certain terms employed
which describe his coming into his mother’s new home. Such a son is called
mifio dikaro i.e. a son who comes holding his mother’s hand.
ajpra^ Ilpft 31PBJ1' was# anw I I- P- 295.
Step-daugh|TER : — is called simply dikri or sdvaki dikri when a woman
speaks and dhg\la dikn or sdvaki dikri when a man is speaking, p. 133.
Co-wife : — Is called sokya, smka or ben (sister).
^ ^ ib? I
I, Pt. 7. Chara Pratyek Budha Chaupai, p. 133.
tatWRf % WRI # I VIII, Pt. 1, p. 72.
The CO-WIFE is addressed as bdijl
Wife’s brother is called said or idlo.
5««5l^ ^ ^ #, sWU^tcT Sitt I I, Part 2, page 54.
'T’l ?n5!f 3# # ^ I in, R. 2, p. 159.
Wife’s hiother’s wife :— is called $a]aeU. This special term is not
often used. The younger generation does not often know it. The feminine
form of sdia \% sdli and! it is used for wife’s sister. Hence the necessity was
felt to find a new word. There is no word in other Indian languages for
wife’s brother’s wife. This relative has no special functions or privileges.
Among people who practise marriage by exchange, the saldefi is often
time one’s own sister.
Wife’s sister is called salt or MJi. Wife’s elder sister is called pdlld
sdsu and the epithet sd[i is reserved generally for the younger sister of the
wife. A man and his sdfi are always on terms of great familiarity.
SRW5 # W 512W3 # W I VIII, Pt. 3, p. 34.
KINSHIP terminology AND USAGES IN GUJARAT AND KATHIAWAD 215
Wife’s sister’s husband is sd 4 hu .
Husband’s brother has no general name. The elder brother is called
ieiha and the younger brother of the husband is called dera or denda .
»Tlti d 531 gsr 3tm i Vlli, Pt. 3, p. 5.
Jfeoit snSl sis shk ^ i
I, part 7 Char Pratyek Budha Chaupai, p. 92.
SfrtlH to ^ U3tl
^ I
I, Pt. 7. Char Pratyek Budha Chaupai p. 92.
51 ^ < *> 4. P- 342.
^ Hiq gJli 8T(M55iq I. part 2, p. 262.
Husband’s brother’s wife has no generic term as in* Maratln. Hus-
band’s elder brother’s wife is called jethatn and the younger brother’s wife is
called derdm.
Husband’s sister is called nanmida or nandala or namdi,
mt\ ;wT#fi ^ % i viii, Pt. i, p. 72.
Husband’s sister has special privileges at the time of the marriage ceremony
and there she is referred to as varc^bahina or bahhn. Another word which is
used for the women of the groom’s party in general and for the sisters of the
grcom in particular is jandarni-
^ i v, p. 84.
Husband’s sister’s husband is mndai, a word formed on the same
model as banevl.
Brother’s wife is called bhojdi or bhubhi.
*nclT qiH I I. part 4, p. 339.
iim nppft ^ r. i, p. 4.
m?! agsipffqr, wnH h ^?i ^ d *n| • P^rt 2. p. 138.
Sister’s husband is called banevi (man speaking and woman speaking)
from the Sanskrit word bhagim-pati,
3n ^ 3Ti5qt, VIII, R. 3, p. 37.
ggi gSf TOT I I- part 4, p. 340.
Father’s brother’s wife is called kdki. Some informants used the ex-
pression tno { i-ma (elder mother) for the wife of the elder brother of the father.
This is consistent with the usage by which the father’s elder brother is called
mefa-bapu (elder father).
rIRsr 31%, I P^rt 2, p. 152.
Mother’s brother’s wife is called mdmi .
Father’s sister’s husband is called fuo . Some informants gave the
term as mamd i.e. the same term as used for mother’s brother.
216
MRS. 1. KARVE.
Mother’s sister’s husband is csllled maso.
Son’s wife is called vohu in old as well as in modern Gujamtf. As the
same word is used for own wife, sometimes the compound word pulro-vahu
(the wife of the son) is used.
^ i Vlii, Pt. 3, p. 6.
SIg I Jayanand Kevall, p. 200.
Daughter’s husband is called jamdl, or the descriptive term putriya-
vara is also used sometimes.
fo5 % 5^ ^ tr 3TRK I
I, part 3, Jayanand Kevap, p. 130.
artefeqi fJTR, g^T 'kit
I, part 3, Vatsa Raja Devaraj, p. 242.
STlsqt % I IV, Part 1. p. 57.
Husband’s father is called sasaro or susardu.
^ mi *113^ sTTsqr i
V, p. 129.
^ \ VIII, part 1, p. 72.
Wife’s father is called sasaro or susaro. Some castes use the word 'mama
(maternal uncle) also. In &xrxrdfm y<dc^ rasdyana rasa the word mdtula,
(maternal) uncle seems to be used for sasaro. Lavanahkusa, one of the twins
born to Sita is described as fighting with a King Pfthu in order to get his
daughter ; and he applies the term mdtulasend (the soldiers of the maternal
uncle) to Prthu’s army. Prthu is in no way connected with LavaiuafikuSa.
It therefore appears, the word mdtula is used to denote the future relationship
of father-in-law.
«r5Rft, 555lin^ I I. part 2. p. 315.
1, part 3, Jayanand Kevali, p. 206.
Husband’s mother is sasu. or baifi.
Wife’s mother is also called sasu. She is also called manii among some
castes.
w 55r«i?ir, i l. part 2, p. ai3.
3RRl5t IPI ansqt gni^ rr d"? I
I, part 3, Jayanand Kevaji, p. 144.
i ^ %»T 5!€f^ I VIII, Part 3, p. 6.
Fathers of the son-in-law and the daughter-in-law address each
other as vevahi, and the mothers of the son-in-law and the dau^ter-in-law
are called vekvai/a.
KINSHIP TERMINOLOGY AND USAOTS IN GUJARAT AND KATHIAWAD 217
III
It is thus a very simple terminology which takes account of two genera-
tions only. There are kinship terms for father and sen, mother and daughter,
but no terms for grand-father or grand-mother and for grand-children.' The
word dMa, which is used for grand-father, is very modern, and even at the
present time, is used for father by some castes. In folksongs published by
Mil. Meghani the word dddd seems to be used in most cases in the sense of
father. I was told on personal enquiries that in a household where mother-
in-law and daughter-in-law live together, it oftentimes happens that the child
of the latter calls its grand-mother md or bu i.e. mother, and calls its own
mother vahu (the daughter-in-law), i.e. the term of address used by hi^ grand-
mother. Thus there are no equivalents for the Sanskrit words piid- and maid’
maha and for pautra and pautri. The eldest male of a joint family is the
‘ father * of the family and only one man would be called by this term seems to
be the logic of the terminology. The employment of the same word vahu
for own wife as well as for the son’s wife is alsc. noteworthy. This peculiarity
is shared with GujarMi by all northern Indian languages. In the Apabhrairhsa
and Prakrt languages the words smihd from Sanskrit snus is preserved, but I
have ‘been unable to find it in old Gujarati (i.e. Western Rajasthani) or in
modern Gujarati. Vahii has thus a very general meaning and merely distin-
guishes a woman who is married into a family from a woman who is bom
in a family. For the latter we have the word mdydri.
In Vedic literature we find distinct terms for the two relations mother-
in-law and daughter-in-law. The complete disappearance of one term in all
modern Indo-European languages of India except Marathi, Konkaiii and
Singhalese* is a phenomenon worth studying. In classical Sanskrit the more
generic word vadhu is used mere frequently though the word snu0 is not lost.
The Prakrt and the Pali retain the word derived from the Sanskrit snu^d
and also use the word vahu in the double sense of wife and daughter-in-law.
In Marathi the Sanskrit word vadhu is used to indicate the bride especially
in compound words like vahu may a (the mother of the bride), vohara, (bride
and groom) and the vavara puja (a ceremony to be performed by the newly
married couple together).. The word vadhu is used for the young wife but
never for daughter-in-law for which the word suna is used exclusively.
In old Gujarati there are many words for wife like bhajjd or bhajja,
kalatta, gharojfi and vahu ; of these only vahu isi retained in modern times,
and to it is added the word bdin (equivalent to Marathi bayako), which
however is not supposed to be very respectable. There thus appears to be a
tendency towards the simplification of the kinship terminology. While some
of the old terms are lost, the addition of new terms is also very small.
A kinship term not found in Sanskrit or Prakrt literature, but used in
modem Gujanati is kdkd or kdko. This term is of Turkish origin^ and ap-
* I am indebted to Prof. Dr. S. M. Katre for this information.
^ 1 have to thank Prof. Shaikh of the Institute for this information.
•ULLBTtN D. C. R. I. VOL. IV.
28
218
MRS. L KARVe.
pears only in middle and modern Gujarati. I have not been able to find it in
Old Gujarati or Western Rajasthani. This word is used for the brother
of the father, though for the elder brother of the father sometimes the word
motd bdpu (elder father) is used. Among certain castes, the step-father
is called kdkd. This usage would suggest junior levirate and as a matter
of fact the custom of a widow marrying the younger' brother of her husband
does exist in Kathiawad and Gujarat among a great number of castes.
The distinction between cross-cousins and parallel cousins which is made
in Marathi and the Dravidian languages is not made in Gujarati. In this
respect also the Gujarati kinship terminology shows its affinities to northern
India. . All the other distinctions which are based on that of cross-
cousins as marriage mates and parallel cousins equated to own geschwister
(brother and sister) are also absent in GujaraG. Thus in Marathi a
brother’s child receives different epithets according to whether a man or a
woman is speaking. Similarly about a sister’s child. All these separate
terms evolved in Marathi on the model of the Dravidian languages are not
found in Gujarati. The kinship terminology, except for one or two usages,
does not show any trace of the culture complex connected with the institu-
tion of cross-cousin marriage. The exceptional uses are that the word mama
(maternal uncle) is used as an equivalent of the word sosro (father-in-law)
among certain castes. The word mdmi is used, though vety rarely, for the
mother-in-law. Thus we see, that it is a very simple terminology. It *has
lost some of the terms present in Sanskrit and Prakft, and added only one
or two new words not present in the older language. The Marathi language
on the other hand, being sandwiched between the northern Indogermanic and
the Southern Dravidian complexes, possesses the richest kinship terminology
of all Indian languages. It has retained tenaciously all the Vedic terms in-
cluding those for the great-grandfather and great-grand-child and coined
new ones to express the' cross-cousin relationship native to the region south
of the Narmada. The new terminology is not borrowed bodily from existing
Dravidian words, but is evolved from within, inasmuch as words of Sans-
krit origin are coined to express the new relationships. The tenacious
retention of old words which have been lost in modern northern languages
may perhaps be due to archaisms which are found among the peripheral
peoi>le who have' separated at a very early period from the original centre.
This surmise however needs to be examined thoroughly by an adequate and
comparative study of modern Indogermanic languages spoken in India.
Marathi in its kinship terminology reflects clearly the ambivalent position
of the Marathia culture towards the northern and the southern culture com-
plexes.
We have now to turn our attention to the actual kinship usages in
Gujarat and Kathiawad in order to find out what light they cast on the
system of kinship terminology.
The kinship usages as regards the mutual behaviour of brothers and
KINSHIP TERMINOLOCy AND USAGES IN GUJARil AND KAJHIAWAD 219
their wives are very well marked in Gujarati literature, folksongs and cus-
toms. A woman calls the elder brother of her husband jethu and the
younger brother of her husband derc or diyera. She cannot speak with her
jetha with an uncovered face. If she sits with her head uncovered and the
jetha passes that way, she has to get up and cover her head and face. This
custom of covering the he!ad and face with the end of the garment is called
laja kddhavt (showing humility) and is practised in the presence of the
father-in-law, the jeth^i and other older male members of the husband’s
family. The behaviour of a woman towards her dera (the younger brother
of the husband) is entirely different. They crack jokes with each other,
may throw red powder, or coloured water on each other at the Holi festival ;
or may take part in bathing together in swimming pools or rivers. A man
while addressing his elder brother’s wife calls her bhdUM. In modem
Gujarati that term is used as a term of respect, but in Kathiawad both the
words bhdhht as well as diyera are used in an abusive sense. That the
relationship between the bhdbhi and diyera wa once that of sexual freedom,
will be made clear from the following incidents from Gujarati literature and
a close consideration of usages. The Holi festival is a festival of love.
There are songs by thousands which depict the erotic aspect of the parti-
cular custom of throwing red pcwder or red coloured water on each other’s
body in the Holi play by Krishna and Radha or Krishna and other Gopis.
It is a mock fight ‘between a man and woman where the battle field is
painted red (the colour of love). Again jala-knda or water sport is
depicted in literature as a favourite pastime of amorous people. This sport
a woman can play with her husband or with the younger brother of the hus-
band only.
% Tig " 3Trm ^
^ 'i 05l ^ p-
(Devala said, Pakhu, my diyora let us play holy please tell me whete
did you play your sixth battle?). In this a battle is compared to a sport,
just as holi is a sport.
iwkl I
3155 ^?n55 I I. Pt- 3, p. 262.
(Sita said to her devara (Bharata) I wish to play with you. In order to
please the bhdbhi the king went with the women and ehjoyed water for
an hour or two).
King Bharata wished to become a Jain monk and give up all worldly
pleasures. In order to turn his thoughts away from such a decision Sita
invited him for water-sports. In the same way Nemi, the Tirthankara of
the Jains and a younger brother of Krishna (according to Jaina-tradition),
was iiKlined to turn away from worldly pleasures and Krishna in order to
220
MRS. I. KARVE.
divert his thoughts' from penatK^ made him share in water ^its with his
wives i.e. with the bhabhl
ijjnsJii, Jpr m
%% M <nf? I
an^ qj^or stt qqq ^qqoftjRtq I
qinflqqf, q|%J^5Eftq, ajq^ I
%55?rt, fts snt I I- P-
(Fromi the water rose a charming sound of women’s bangles, as if it was
the sounding of the trumpet of the god of love. Keshav called Nemi to
play with them. Casting glances at Nemi, one big-eyed lady, filling a
golden hom full with water poured it on the lord’s head. He also did the
same but with a mind empty of any (amorous) thoughts. Seeing Nemi
playing Damodara was pleased). This whole passage leaves us in no doubt
about the nature of water-six)rt. It may be said that it was the bhdbhVs
roll to give first lessons in love to the Diyera.
Bhdbhi—diyera relationship and its implications are well illustrated in
two old legends of K^thiawad, Hindu Harapala and Lakhana Siyada.
In the first story® Lilavatl, the step-mother of Harapala, wanted to poison
him and prepared two dishes of sugar, one containing poison and said to
him, I will fefed you with my own hands from one of these dishes, while
you should feed me with your hands out of the second dish.” Harapala re-
plied, ” Mother, this is done only by bride and bride-groom or by a man
and his elder brother’s wife buc never between a son and mother.” In the
second legend^ the implication is brought out even more forcibly. The king
Lakhana was visiting a village when he saw a beautiful cMrarfi and shame-
lessly addressed her “ Bhabhl, where is my brother, your husband ? ” Incensed
at the insult the Charaini said “you address as Bhabhl those who should
be addressed as mother or sister and it is shameful of you.” Saying thus
« ^ qraft, tpsqr ^ qi^ ^ sftsrmr
aqs% 113 % ^ an #qT g.
W[f 31% i qit? ^ qf % qpfff qt
% ^q qsRif iff ? xiii, p. 35 , pt. 3 .
’ qqi qqf % qiqi% qfq ^ Itrl wqqtt% 55I»qf: — " qpft
%?f qit qqt ^ ” an Itff qqq nfif g?nt qf "31^ an^ ^ anqi
qw qiqi qqi ^ q^ft qiqni sqsqt | gqi faaq 3 %^ ^ q qf
3Tl% q% qfjfft ^ d. qi%%q%^iqr»ftl|^. q^qroq^ qf ^
...eqt q«5qiiqr % qiss 5?! %qt «pqt qqit qi% % qias iraqt
qqi^ % qqi? fuq; irq 3 ^ wqqi| qf^ “g % ?iqf
angqf q%q 1 q®l qeqqq qn=E^, % ajqqSl q^g.” etc. Ill, p. 67, pb 2.
KINSHIP TERMINOLOGV AND VSAGES IN GUJARAt AND KAJHIAWAD 221
she went home ; but burning under the insult cut up her beautiful breasts
and sent them to the king and then burnt herself.
The rule of avoidance between a man and his younger brother’s wife,
the prescribed familiarity with the elder brother’s wife, the absence of an
indigenous word for the younger brother of the father and calling the step-
father kdkd all lead to the custom of Diyervatu practised by many castes in
Gujarat and Kathiawad. By this custom a widcw is allowed — and some-
times compelled to marry the younger brother of her husband. The
literary and folklore evidence suggests that in olden times, sexual relations
may have been allowed between a man*and his elder brother’s wife. Similar
conditions are found also in UP. The sample of kinship terminology I have
gathered is like that for Gujarat. Though I have not been able to collect
detailed accounts of kinship usages, the der-hhdbhl relatiohship as depicted in
song and tale and in custom is also similar. While avoidance is prescribed
between the jefha and the younger brother’s wife, the words used are also the
same. Husband’s younger brother is called devma and elder brother is called
jetha. In old Marathi and among certain castes on the Western Coast, distinct
words exist for the elder and younger brother (bhavd and dir a) of the husband,
though they have vanished in modern times, the word dlra is used generically
for all brothers of the husband. I suggest that the above facts are significant.
Originally the distinct kinship terms, and the distinct kinship usages denoted
that the eldest brother’s wife could have sex relations with the younger brother
of the husband, while the eldest brother could not even see the face of the
younger brother’s wife. In the countries south of the river Narmada, there
is no such relationship and so the distinctive functions of the elder and younger
brothers of the husband having vanished, the distinct terms also vanished. In
the northern languages, though the custom has vanished from certain castes,
the terminology and the avoidance and familiarity relationships suggest that
it might have endured for a longer period. The word devar has a counter-
part devj in the earliest Sanskrit, but for the word jetha no equivalent term
can be found in IJg- or Atharvaveda. I had suggested that if the custom was
for the eldest son only to marry and inherit property, his wife would have no
male relation whom she could call jetha, while all the brothers of her husband
would be her devms. The northern languages and the northern usages have
in this respect kept the original terminology, while Marathi changed it owing
to a change in cultural outlook.
What exactly was this diyer-bhojdi relationship in olden days ? It may
be construed in the following way.
A woman was not simultaneously married to all the brothers. She mar-
ried the eldest only, but by doing so she was automatically shared by the
younger brothers also. In modern times this kind of sharing is not allowed.
The diyervatu, the passing of a widow into the guardian-ship of her younger
brother-in-law, is not recognised as a marriage at all. Only for the first mar-
riage the words lagna or vivdha are used. The marriage of a widow is never
performed by a Brahmin priest with vedic rites. It is called mtrun, and
222
MRS. I. KARVE.
(ityervatu is only a special kind of ndtrun. It is interesting to note that in
one place in mediaeval Gujarati the word ndtmo is used for the first marriage
(marrying of a man to a virgin) also.® I had thought this custom as equiva-
lent of polyandry, but it is quite distinct, as tliere is no marriage at any one
lime with more than one man. The exact equivalent of this relation^ip can
be found in the relationship of a man and his wife's younger sister. We have
already noted that in Gujarati as also in Marathi distinct terms exist for the
elder and the younger sisters of the wife. The elder sister is equated to the
mother-in-law and it is taboo for a man to hold light conversation with her.
With the younger sister of the wife* a man is on terms of great familiarity
and can marry her in the life time of his wife or after the death of his wife.
In both Gujarati as well as in Marathi the step-mother is termed mdsl
(mother’s sister). ‘While the custom of diyervafu has vanished in Maratha
country and is not practised by the higher castes in northern India, the custom
of marrying the wife’s younger sister is practised among almost all communi-
ties of India.® In Gujarat in many communities it is also customary for a
man to marry the daughter of the wife’s brother, if the wife has no unmarried
younger sister. These customs of diyerv^fu (junior levirate?) and the mar-
riage of a man to the younger sister or the niece of the wife illustrate' very
well the sociological implications of the institution of marriage. Marriage
was not conceived as the private business of two individuals but was a sort
of a contract between two families. One family supplied the mate to a woman
while the other supplied a wife to a man. If one mate died, the woman had
to be provided for by the family in which she was married. A protector, a
food giver, a father to her children had to be found out and the responsibility
fell on the younger brother of the late husband. Diyervatu is a privilege and
a responsibility. In the same way if a woman dies or fails to give birth to
male progeny, her family has to provide another wife to her husband and
the unmarried younger sister or seldom the niece is given to the same man.
If it is difficult to find a husband for the younger sister, a woman sometimes
pleads with her husband to marry her and brings her home as her co-wife.
This latter usage is called in MarMhi mehnnedra. The words connote the
familiarity or joking relationship as also possible marriage between a man and
his wife’s younger sister. Diyervatu and mehunedra are thus comple-
mentary customs. Both the customs are prevalent in certain castes in Nor-
thern India and only the latter custom prevails in the south.
The kinship terminology as described above easily lends itself to an in-
ference about the custom of levirate or diyervatu, but though the structure
of the terminology does not reveal it another important custom prevails in
8 jflsr f 31 ^, ^ i w aRT, ^
a aia I I part 7 Maghwanalim Katha, p. 21.
® It was reported to me by Prof. K. P. Chattopadhyaya and Dr. A. Riyappan
that the marriage of a man with his wife’s sister is strictly prohibited among the
Khasis of Assam and the Nayars of Malabar,
KINSHIP TERMINOLOGY AND USAGES IN GUJARAT AND KAJHIAWAD 223
parts of Gujarat and Kathiawad. We have seen that among certain castes
the father of the wife is called mama i.e. maternal unde. This term is quite
logical and also almost universal in the Maratha terminology, where cross-
cousin marriage is the rule. In the Maratha terminology there a whole
series of terms which can be explained only by the custom of the cross-cousin
marriage Thus the cross-cousins are sharply differentiated from the paralld
cousins, man and woman use different terms when speaking about a child of
their Geschwister ( ) the nature of the term depending on the fact
as to whether the Geschwister ( same sex as the speaker
or of a different sex. All these peculiarities are entirely absent in the Gujarati
language, only the term mama applied to the wife^s father among certain
castes lets one infer the presence of cross-cousin marriage and actual enquiries
have proved that quite a number of castes practise thi^ custom. In the
legend and folk literature of Kathiawad there are many instances of cross-
cousin marriages. In the story of Nondhala, the prince Nondhala^^ is mar-
ried to his maternal uncle’s daughter. In a curious story, the date of which
I have been unable to fix, a man is said to have wooed and won the wijp of
his maternal undo. The other side of the picture, that of the rivalry between
a man and his maternal uncle, is also depicted in many legends of Kafhiaw^ad.
The famous legend of Ra Khengar and Ranakdevi arises mainly out of the
episode of the quarrel between Ra' Khengar and his nephew and the revenge
of the latter. It will be of interest to note the castes which allow different
types of preferential mating. I found on enquiries that
1. The following castes practise cross-cousin marriage Rajputs, Gara-
sias, some Bhats, Charans (in Cutch), Khavas, Khants, Kathi, Ahirs, Brahma-
kshetri Mers, Hati, Ghanchi (Musalman), Bhil, Margi-baba and all other
Baba or Gosai, Dhedvankar, Bhagni, Vitholna, Gandhrapdh, Pan, Vagher,
Kharva.
2. The following castes practise Diyervaiu (junior levirate only).^-* All
the Kanbis (leva, kadve, matia, anjna) Bhavsar, Gola, Kubhar, Rabari.
3. The following castes allow both cross-cousin marriage and Diyer-
vQlu, : — Kathi, Vagher, Ahir, Wagh/i, Bhangi and Dhed.
4. TTie following castes allow neither : — All the Brahmans, the Banias
and most of the artisan castes like Sutar, Kansar, Sali, Soni, Mochi, Darji,
Kadia etc.
Castes included in the group 4 are all the so-callcad first and second rank
castes advanced in education. They observe the avoidance and familiarity
rules about the diyer and bhojdi (a woman and her husband’s younger
brother) relationship, but there is no record of a widow marrying the younger
brother-in-law. In fact among all these castes widow remarriage is forbidden
No. 2 group is in a state of transition. The educated and monied
Ka)r)bis, called Patidars, allow neither widow remarriage nor diyervafu but
the Kapbis in the village do allow it. ITiese Kaubis are found in Kathiawad
10 III, pt. 2, p. 126. llh Pt. 2, pp. 1-64. « XI, pp. 263-64.
224
MRS. L KARVE.
also but they are the agricultural caste of Gujarat and form the majority in
Gujarati population. Some artisans follow the same custom, though the
majority of artisans fall into No. 4 group.
No. 1 is, with a few exceptions, a Kathiawad-group ; most of the tribes
and castes belong to Kiathiawiad and have a history of semi-pastoral or
nomadic cultures which they have preserved even to this day. Of these the
Bhils and Pardhis belong to the aborigines group. The data about Bhils are
very conflicting. The educated Bhil stoutly denies the existence of the
custom of cross-cousin marriage, while others have reported that they have
such a custom. Both the Pardhis and Bhils in Mahariaistra practise cross-
cousin marriage. The other members of this group are separated from the
Maratha group by the whole of the riverine tract of Gujarat.
Group No. 3 is both anomalous and interesting. The Ahirs are
spread outside of Kiathiiawad. They are found in very large numbers in the
provinces Delhi, West U. P., parts of the Panjab and then deep into Khan-
desh. Enquiries made by a student of this institute (Mr. A. M. Sharma)
showed that the northern Ahirs stoutly deny cross-cousin marriage and records
of diyervalu may be found among them. Personal enquiries among Khandesh
Ahirs showed that they were all a cross-cousin marrying people with no trace
of diyervalu^ while the Kathiawiad Ahirs allow both kinds cf mating. The
data would show that the sc-called Ahirs in all these provinces are different
folks or that they get easily assimilated to the culture complex of the land
of their adoption. The geographical distribution and the cultural occupation
of the Ahirs as also the historical references to them seem to point out that
the Ahirs originally belonged culturally to one group and so the second con-
jecture seems to be true. In a country like Gujarat and Kathiawad, where
there is a cultural) ambivalance between the two complexes, they have ap-
parently found it convenient to practise both kinds of marriages. The
Kathis, a highly interesting caste or tribe, practise cross-cousin marriage both
ways as also Diyervafu. They belong by cultural affinities to the Mers, to
the Khants and lastly to Rajputs among whom Diyervafu is strictly
tabooed and so their practising this custom appears strange. There is nothing
per $e illogical in a people practising both the customs, but in India there is
a sharp geographical division between people who practise cross-cousin mar-
riage and have a kinship terminology tc suit and those that either practise
Icvirate or have a terminology which points to levirate. The Kathis and
Ahirs practise both and arc hence a problem. Some (e.g. Kincaid derive
the Ahirs and Kathis from Asia Minor and we know from, the Biblical evi-
dence that at least among some tribes both cross-cousin marriage and levirate
were practised in ancient times. The Khavas may be left out of considera-
tion as they are recruited from girls and boys bought by old royal houses
and transferred as personal property in gift, inheritance and sale. There are
13 Kincaid, The Outtms af Kathiawad.
KINSHIP TERMINOLOGY AND USA(^S IN GUJARAT AND KATHIAWAD 225
no regular Itnarriage among these people as the husband and wife may be
separated at any moment at the master’s sweet will.^*
The Bhangis and Dheds are on the lowest rung of the ladder oi the caste
hierarchy of the Hindus. The Bhangis are found in the Maratha country
also, but they are all recruited from Gujarat and Kathiawad, hence they
belong to Kathiawad and Gujarat. The Dheds are found in the Maratha
country. Jt is a word used as an equivalent of Mahar in Khandesh, Berar and
the Central Provinces. Tbe Mahars in the Maratha country practise cross-
cousin marriage both ways but I have not been abL to gather evidence of
Diyervatu among them. In this respect these two Gujarat and Kathiawad
castes differ from the Maratha castes.
The distribution of the customs of cross-cousin marriage and junior levi-
tate is extremely interesting in Gujarat and Kathiawad. Gujarat is formed
by the alluvium of great rivers like the Narmada, Tapti, and Sabarmati,
populated by an industrious agricultural class, the Kauibis. All the castes
belonging to thct » agricultural class practise junior levirate. lire Kathiawiad
agriculturist practises it but is averse to admit it openly and he and the more
educated and richer Kai^bis are giving up the custom. This change in out-
look is due to the influence of the Brahmins and the Banias. The people
influenced most by these are the intelligent artisan class which is active in all
religious reformist movements. Kathiawad is a land belonging to pastoral
and ^semi-nomadic tribes. Though Vai^ipavism holds its sway there also, still
the worship of :§iva and the mother Goddess is practised among many castes.
Most of tlie castes which practise cross-cousin marriage belong to Kathiawad.
The unity of language covers two culturally distinct elements which arc
geographically separated also. Added to these wc have elements like the
Bhangis and the Dheds which practise both customs. This peculiar distri-
bution of people of two culture-complexes raise many interesting pi\ blems.
Considered historically, the solid block of cross-cousin-marrying people to
the south of the river Narmada is older than the northern levirate block. The
aboriginal element has its aflinities to the South Sea Islands. This block has
within itself different groups, some being purely matriarchal while others,
which are in a majority, have a patriarchal structure of the family. To the
east this southern block nearly joins the north-eastern peoples of Assam and
the Naga country where we have cross-cousin marriage and matriarchy. The
interrelation of the southern and the northern group cannot however be esta-
blished at this point in the enquiry. To the west the Kathiawad group of
people allowing cross-cousin marriage is joined to the southern group near
Khandesh and Nasik via the Bhil country. This Bhil element is an abori-
ginal one and probably the oldest folk-element in Gujarat ; the other people
are divided from the southern block by the Gujarat wedge. Historically the
Rajputs, the Kathis and Ahirs are late elements in India and so do not seem
to be connected with the southern block. It would be interesting to tiace
V Enhoven, Castes and Tribes, Bombay Presidency, *
OULLBTIN D. C. ft. 1. VOL. 1V«
29
226
MRS. 1. KARVE.
the date of settleme'nt of Gujrat by the Kanbis, the Banias and the Brahmins.
As most of the Brahmins belong to Madhyandina Sakha of the Sukla
Yajurveda, there settlement is after the Christian Era. The Banias appear
to have traditions connecting them with Cutch and Sind. The Kaobis need
deeper investigation. It may be noted, however, that the Kaobis of Gujarat
who have settled in very large numbers in Khandesh like to call themselves
Marathas and practise universally cross-cousin marriage. The Marathas.
however, as a rule do not inter-marry with these Kainbis, and they form a
compact endogamous sub-caste. A change in their marriage customs in such
recent times in spite of endogamy appears to be strange and may give a clue
to the problem of why certain castes in Gujarat and Kathiawad practise both
cross-cousin marriage and levirate. They might have simply taken up a new
custom and added it to their old culture-material.
REFERENCES
I. Shree Ananda Kavya Mahodadhi. Editor J. S. javeri, Parts 1 to 7
1915-25.
II. Gujarati Ka^hevata Smgraha, Asharam Dalichand Shah, 1923.
III. Kalhiawadni Juni Vmtao, Part 2nd. H. G. Trivedi, 1928.
IV. Kmkavati, Parts 1 and 2. Javerchand Meghani, 1939.
V. Prachina Gurjara iKavyasmf^aha. Gaekwar Oriental Skiries No. XIII,
1920.
VI. Bharateswofra-Bahubali Rasa tatha Buddhi-Rasa. Ed. Shree Jina^ijaya
Muni, 1927.
VII. Vasanta Vilasa, an old Gujanaiti Phagu. Ed. Kantilal B. Vyas, 1942.
VIII. Radhiali Rata, Parts 1 to 3. Ed J. Meghani, 1935.
IX. Khaym. Ed. I. Vimawala, 1935.
X. Gitana Sangraha. Collected by Bala Bholanath, 1922.
XI. Mile Stones in Gujarati Literature 1914. K. M. JHAVERI.
XII. Chundadi, Parts 1 and 2. Ed. J. Meghani, 1940.
XIII. GujOrdt talhd Kdthidwad desham Vdrid, Parts 1 and 2. Publ. Gujarat
Vernacular Translation Society, 1935.
UNPANINIAN FORMS AND USAGES IN THE CRITICAL-
EDITION OF THE MAHABHARATA
2.— PARTICIPLES"
by
‘ E. D. Kulkarni
Participles are of various kinds : ( i ) present participles ( 2 ) past
participles ( 3 ) potential participles or gerundives ( 4 ) perfect participles and
( 5 ) future participles. The participles of roots of the present tense and of
causal, desiderative verbs are formed by adding the termination -at
to parasmaipadi roots and ana ( with the augment -w ( gf ) prefixed to
it to atmanepadi roots of the first fourth, sixth and tenth class ( including causal)
verbs ) or thematic class and of the passive verbs and -ana to the atmanepadi
roots of the rest of the classes.'* The participles of parasmaipadi roots of the
ten classes, ( except those of the roots of the 3rd class ) and of causal and
desiderative verbs are declined in the masculine like bhagavat. In the Norn,
sing, the penultimate a is not lengthened. Participles of roots of the first,
fourth, and tenth classes and of causal and desiderative verbs keep -n in the
Nom. Acc. and Voc. dual Neut.‘ The roots of the sixth class and the roots of
the second class ending in a may optionally insert in the Nom. Acc. and Voc.
dual Neut. The participles of roots belonging to the 3rd class and jaksai,
jagrat, daridrat, sdsai, cakasat, didhyat, and vevyat are declined in the
masculine like marut and they insert -n optionally before •/ in the Nom. Acc. and
Voc. plur. Neut. The participles of all other roots must reject -n in the Nom.
Acc. and Voc. dual Neut.* The feminine base of all these roots is identical
in form with the Nom. dual Neut. Exceptions to these rules are not wanting
in the Critical Edition of the Mahabharata. I'he majority of the irregularities
noted below, occur mainly owing to the padavyaiyaya or change of pada and
change of conjugation.
^ For the previous study of the series see Annals BORI XXIV, pp 83*97.
I am highly obliged to Dr. Katre for giving me valuable suggestions in the
preparation of the article.
I Siddht^ta Koumudi(=SK)on PSt^m 3-2-124,
"TOr; I SK. on PSn. 7-181.
SKonPOn 7 -7 -7 8-9.
228
E. D. KULKARNI
With respect to the voice it was pointed out by Dr. Katre in his Wilson
Philological Lectures, delivered under the auspices of the University of Bombay
m March 1941, that the confusion of voice is characteristic of the later period
when its true significance is completely lost, that most of the changes in voice
noticed are from the epic literature, that the middle voice is on the decline,
being chiefly found in the early metrical part of tlie canon, the only survival
is in the present participles, where it drives out the active ending.® The
illustrations collected below bear out the truth of the statement. One thing
noted about the passive participles is that we have a number of them with
active ending.
The past passive participles are made generally by adding 4a to the
bare verbal root with observations of the ordinary rules of euphonic combi-
nation.® I have divided these participles into four groups (1) set for anit (2)
anit for set (3) simplex for causative (4) causative for simplex.
From the past passive participle is made the past active participle by
adding the possessive suffix - vant\ We have noted only two instances, one
of set for anit and the other of causative for simplex.
The suffixes by which the gerundives are regularly made, are three -ya,
4avya, and -ntyct". The irregularities pointed out, chiefly belong to the 4avya
type, which do not conform with rules of set, vet, and anit.
With regard to the last two participles, namely perfect participles and
future participles; nothing peculiar is discovered. Only we have some
illustrations of perfect participles lacking in reduplication and one instance of
the future participle of set used as anit and -at for -mana and the other
is an instance of the future participle with middle voice.
PRESENT PARTICIPLES
I. Masculine Parasmaipada.
(A) juhvan — 1-81T2^ [K^B ( except Bs) Daijuhvad]',
1-1 10*31® [ K 2.4 B ( except Be ) Da Di Gg M 3 juhvad ] ;
4-280''-7 ;
juhvantau — 1-201-8® ( Si Ko. 1.3 Ni Dr, TG 3.4 juhvanau ;
Vi krntantau ) ;
prasasantam — 3*61*89'^ ( Gi pravi^antam ) ;
(B) -ANA for -AT
majjanak— 5^7 i-17^ [ Di hy angani ; D 7.10 S ( except Ts ) gatrani ] ;
muhcanah — 3-704^T ( TGi _3 M vimuhcantah ) ;
vasanah — 3*824^ 1;
samasajanah — 4*5-28f [ BD» Dr , -12 Cr ( dev. ) samasajyatha ; D 4
samasajya ] ;
samsprsanah—'^-SS6^’2 ;
® Some Problems of Historical Linguistics in Indo-Aryan by Dr. Katre,
Bharatiya Vidya, Vol. II, pp. 220-29.
c Whitney Sanskrit Grammar 340 § 953.
ibid 344 §959.
» ibid 365 § 962.
UNPAIi^INIAN FORMS & USA<XS IN CRITICAL EDITION OF MAHABH^TA 229
II. Masculine Stmanepada.
(A) -AT for-MANA® ;
ar/AayaM— 5-33-50'‘ (K, Ba. 4.8 D» D,i D6.c.«.io T, anarcayan ;
K 4 Bj narcayan ; Ks D 3 . 4 . 7 .J na^rayan ;
Ti Gi. 3_5 narthayeta ; M nSTthayita ) ;
prSrthayan — 1'3-146‘‘
prarihayaniah—1-101^-3 ; l-387’‘-2 ; 3-51-21* ; 5-62-26* ;
prarihayatak—^'27S^-l ( Dc prarthayase ) ;
prasamarthayan — ( S ^rthaye ) ;
abhiprehsan — 5*58*3^ ( K 4.5 Df Di- 4 m.io ^preksya ) ;
aveksatdm—S-l(^^'^^ [ KiB (B 2 missing) Dm D* D 8 . 4 * 6 -io
pracaksate ; Gi aveksitam ; K 3 samaveksitah ;
Di samaveksyatam. ]
udtksantah--2-2 ^^'^* ;
418-32* [ Sj B ( except B 5 ; Bs^. as in text ) ;
Dm D 7 .«.ii.i 2 Cr udiksyam ; KDu udiksitam ; S udiksitum ] ;
nirtksan — 3-264-69'^ [ BDm Da^ G 3 didhaksuh ; TGi. 2.4 M
vi ( Ti pra ) pa§yan ] ;
niriksaniam—Z-l^^-71 ^ ; 3*281*9‘^ ;
1-20315^ [ Ks Vj B { except Be ) D 1.4 divaukasam ;
niriksitum] ;
parlksaniah — 1*132*12^ ;
preksaniah — 3*180-49'^ ( B 4 preksyamamh ; S pa^yantah ) ;
3198-93‘^ ^iKaDci Do TG 2.4 preksante; Dc 2 Di.b preksyante;
prefea/(z/t-~3*163-53'' [Km D 1.3 preksya- (Kj ®ksa-) ma^%asya\
B 4 T 1.2 Gu 5 M pa^yatah ] ;
pratiksan—V^2'W ( Ns-s Vi B D 2.4 paripsan ) ; 3*28-22® ; 3-515^a ;
pratiksantam — 3 • 5 1 2^ *2
vtksanS^Uh22'' [ N ( except Ki.i.r, Da.y ; Di oi«. ) grasan ] ;
samtkmtah—A'll.V' ( B 5 Dc niriksitum ; D& samiksitum ) ;
3 176-30‘' ( Bi udtksamdmh ; B 2.3 Dc Dm Di.c samudvtk^mdtjah );
samudiksantah--l'2l9'2f‘ (Kg % BDa Di. 4.5 samudaik^ta ;
K 4 Ni Vi Dg Gi ^'diksanta; G^ samudiksya; T 3 Gg^
samudviksya ; Go samiksyatha ) ;
esatah— 5-27 [B ( except Bi ) Dm Ds^h. Ca. icchatSm ;
Ds Dmo Cd icchata ; Tg esitam ; Gi. Mg esate ; Cg anicchata ] ;
akatihan — 5.560^1 ;
kdmayan — 4‘54*20^ ;
prakasadhih—V^M^ l ;
aprakdsdtd — M4-16‘^ ( Ki Tg Gi-c Mi ®ka§itam ) ;
kutsayan — 1*123-55^^ ; kutsayantah — 3’1360^'l ;
kramadbhM^ — 1*64*32^ ( Ko. 2*8 kramadbhih ; Ni Vi B D<« Di. 3.4 ?»
kramavidbhih ) ;
^ cf mrgayadbhih ( R 440-24 ) ; amvarta(5m ( R 442-24* ) etc.
We get these forms owing to the confusion of root belonging to diflerent classes
230
E. D. KULKARNI
vikramantah—l’17S-l &‘‘ ;
vikramata — l-lSS-l® [ Sj Vi BD (except Ds ) G* vikramam'!^!tena]
viparikraman — 5-131-10* (Ks^bhraman; TG 1.2.5 M* ( inf. Un)
°kramat ; G 3 ®kramah ; G 4 “kramah )
^'rasflfw— 3- 124*23'' ;
ces/an— 3*154*32* ( 6 i ce^tah; Bi De D 4 .C papa- ; B 2-4 D«papah ; D 3
cestah; Ti Sresthali)
cesiatsu — 3*1033^4 (Gi cestayet) ;
vice^aniah — 1-217-8* ( T 3 G 2 _b vyavestanta ) ;
wcesteMtem— 3-40-47' ; 3-256-13'’ : 4*36*47“ ;
jrmbhatoh — 1*202-15‘' [Ko.j jrmbhitah ; K 2 vedhasah ; Ni Vi B« D 4
danavi(K 2 "ni) jrmbhitah (Ni “noh); ^ 2.3 Bi. 3 . 5 DaDni D «2 "danani-
rakrtah ; D «3 Di.o nirakrtah; S ca prabho (Ti Ms.j.! "bhoh ).j ;
irmbhatam — 4*38*18* ;
te/)y^z/3m*--3*259*19* ;
tarjayantam — 3*297*21'' ; iiiik^iak—1-82-7^ ;
vyapatrapan — 1*109*26'^ f K....4 "trapo ; N 2 B ( Bi m as in text )
trapamano S apatrapabhi ( G^-o "pa hi ) bhiitatvat ( G 2 .r ,.6
bhut^nam ) ]
/raxflM— 4*241^*2 ; 4*52*8' ;
tvaratam — 5*149*48* ( Dj Djo caratam ) ;
dipyantam — 1-172*7'^ [ K 4 N 2 Vi BD ( except Dr, ) S ( except
Ti G 2 . 3 ) dipyamanam ] ;
vjdsya/a— 1*53-6* ; 3*107*3* ; 3*280*29" ;
plavan — 5*74 *3" ( K 2 Ds plavarii ; Ms_rj plavan ) ;
p/avatoift— 3*148*3' ;
upaplavantah — 4*57*6“ ( BDi_ 3 .«.io C» iipaplavante ;
S udak prayati ) ;
bhartsayan — 4*63*44" ;
bhartsayantam — 3*175*15" ;
bharisayadbhih — 3*152*12^ ;
avabhartsayan — 3*238*26* ( Si K1.2 Dc Di_3.r, avasadayan ; K3.4
avasadaya; Ti avanadayan ; T.^ ahvaya svayam ) ;
paribhartsayan — 3*262*8* ;
bha^ntah—l-U93^-3 ; 4*966''*1 ;
hAasateli— 4*34*10* ; 5*146*18* ( Bj D„ bharala; D^ Ms.^ bhasitam) ;
1*129*9‘ [ Ko. 2 Ni..- Vi BDT, jalpatam ; T. G ( G 4 sup.
lin. as in text ) sarva^ah ] ;
samabhibhasaniau — 3*183*17'
udbhasan — 1*20*5“ [ K (except Ki ) D 2 udbhasah ; D 5 abhasah ] ;
bhiksan — 3*1334’'*!
bhrajadbhih — 1*96*17* ( Ko prakata" ; Ki cara" ; K 2 proccara" ; K 3.4
prakira": T Gi.j. 4.6 M «_3 pracala" ; G 3 pracara" ; M 3 prajvala") ;
vibhr5jatah—3 233 &‘ ( ^1 K, Bi _3 Dn Di.c G 3 vibhrajitan ; Di 3 G 3 Mg
UNPAlillNlAN FORMS & USAGES IN CRITICAL EDITION OF MAHABHArATA 231
avamanyatah — 3-236-2‘‘ ( K 3.4 D« Ti "manyata ; Di.j ° janatali ; D*
®inan3rate ) ;
mantrayantak—3-2Z%'2>* ( Ti mantrayitva ) ;
mantrayatah — 3-465^-l ;
mantrayatsu — ( N 3 mantrayitva ) ; manayantah-B &l-^*
(S manayanti)*
wr^rayfln— 1-93-29® ; 1173 S*; mrgayatah — 5-95-11'*;
yatan — 5-91-6® ( S yatarn&no ) ;
yatantah — 3-295-12® ( De Dj yatta ) ;
prayaiadbhih — d- 20-7* ( To prayacchadbhih ) ;
yudhyan — 1T540’^-1 ; 1-1938^T.
yudhyantah — 5-50T1 ;
yudhyantam—^-\1^2 ; yudhyatah—^-^W'-2 ;
yudhyatah—l-Z‘iS'^ 2 ( K 0.4 sada puayantu ; G 1 . 2 . 4 .B saha putrais tu)
3T69-9*: 4-32T4'' Dn ia yudhyamanasya) ; 4-603’^-2;
4- 39-15* ; 4-781’'-2 ; 5155-28' ;
yudhyatoh — 1 57-46'^ ; 5T0T8'’ ( Ki.s.j yuvayoh ; Ki kruddhayoh )
5- 62-31‘ ;
yudhyamrn—A-m- 19" ; 5 29-29' ;
ayudhyantam — 3-116-26* ;
ayudhyatah — 5-151-25"
pratiyudhyantam — 5-169-16" ; pratiyudhyatah — 4-1029^-3 ;
raman — 3-190-20 (K 4 B 4 To Go-j M ramamat^h ; Bu D» D 4 0 G 3 om. ;
K 3 Ds ramayan ; De vasan ) ;
ramatah — 3-155-55* ( Ti nrpatih ; G 4 amrtah Bo. 4 D» D 4.0
ra ( D»i bhra ) maniamn ; Dj §ikhinab ) ;
alabhantah — 3-188-58'’ ;
lambatah — 1-26-2' ;
lambafam — 1-41-14'’ [ M ( except Mi-b ) lambaniananam ] ;
vilambaii — 4-31-8" ( Si K vilambite ; B.^ Dc avalambini ;
D »2 Di.s.r ims vilambini )
udvijantah — 1-189-4' ;
prativedayantah — 3-253-3' ( ‘’vedayante ) ;
vartantam — 1-42-12“ : 1-48 25* [ T* G ( except G 3 ) vartam&nam ]
5-86-20“ ; 5-175-1* ;
vartafd — 3-176-17* ( Ds tiathata ; G 2 vartina ),
3*205-19* ( B 4 Difi.M 2 Dj.b.b T^ hi vartate ) ^
vartatah — 1-1095’‘-2 ( Mo _4 vartate ) ;
vartaiam — 1-94-16* [ Na Vi G ( except Gi.c ) vartinam ] ;
l-173’'-8 ; 3-20-3* ( Ms ^iksitah ) ;
anuvariata — 1-143-13" ( K 0.3 °vartate ; Ti “paiyatah ; Ta G 4_6
“paSyatam : Gi _3 M "paisyata ) ;
vivartantam — 5-78-18' ( Ts Gs vipannas tvam ; G 3.4 vipannastham ) ;
vardhatalt —3-263-24:^ ( Ti vartate ; K.^ parvatah ) ;
vivardhaid — 1-107-35* [S (Gi om.) vardha (Gs °rta) ftiStte] ;
£. D. KULKARNI
praoepaSt—\-AZ-Zlf [ Ka-i D« ( except D« 3 ) Tj G (except Gg-g) pra-
vepita] : 3-281-10'’ ( Tj Gj-g pravepita ) ;
pravyathan—Z-\ZZZ ^-\ ; asahantah—Z-n-9f ‘ ;
scpfltaft— 1-19-13* (Ko sevituh ; Vi D 3.4 dhimatah ) ;
Ssevdn — 1'1-198' ( Dg-ia aSrnvan ; Gg kathayan )
spardhan — 1-355’‘-2 ;
spandafam — 3-284^-6 ;
smayan— 1-26-2* [Nia Vi BD (except Ds.b ) Ti smayaniano', S 3
samantat; Gi ^kham ] ; 3-2117* ; 3-44-26“ ( D 1.3 svayam eva );
371-24‘’ (^1 K Dc Di_,.b T, G 2.4 M svayam); 3-77-17®;
3-488''-l; 3a24-16‘’: 3147-17* (S svayarh); 3-149-8*;
3164-19‘' [ BDc D» Da-i-g gantavyaih phalguna ( Dj.s papdava)
tvaya ] ; 3180-47* (Ti markandeyam for smayann iva);
3-240-35' (Gi hasan) ; 3-28619''; 5 128-13'' ; 5172-4* : 5-180-1“
( Ki smayamdnah ) ; 5-180-22' ;
smayantah — 3-290-18" ; 5-186-5' ;
abhismayantah — 3-99-18* ( Tj .'’prayStah ; T 3 G “prayatnat ( Gi
“prayuktah ) ; Mi ®pravrttali ; "prayatnah ) ;
abhyutsmayan — 5-186-34' ;
utsmayan — 5-533-’'! ; 5-159-5' ( D 3.4 samsmaran ; bhartsayitva ) ;
5-164-31'= ;
vismayanlah — 1-186-12" ; samsmayantah—S-lZd-i^^ ;
vihvalan — 3-22.5* ;
-AT FOR -ANA
adhiyatak — 1-98-27* [^i Ki adhitinah ; Ko i.i D 3 S ( except Go, )
adhiyata] ;
adhiyatak— ( B 3 adhiya ca ; B 4 Do Di ° yata ) ;
adhiya0m — 3-47-12" ( Ts G 3.4 adhiyinam) ;
Uan — 5-66-14“ ( G 4 Uita ) ;
isflM/tfA— 5-45-7* ( Ds Di.io Ti Gi_e, Cs isate ; Ki Ca. a icchantali )
-SNA FOR -MANA”
pr&rthayanah — 3-113-3* ; 3-286-12' ;
prdrthayanasya—\-lZVt;l ; 3-82-54“ ( Bi partham asadya ) ;
prZrtha^ne — 5-182-16" [ K 4 Bi. 3.4 D» 03.4 pratiyate ( D«i “ tam )]
katha^nah—Z-ll-lT ( Mi pathan yuktah ) ;
1-153-5" [ S 3 Vi B Da D» D 1.4 kathayantam ; Dg TG
( except Gb .4 ) M 8.5 ° yantah ] ;
t^ma^nah — 3-213-48" - kama^nan — 5-33-32* ;
liamayanena — 1-2-92* ( Dd kamayamasa ) ;
fSmaydnesu — 5-33-72“ ;
akama^nena — 3139-6' ;
kopa^nam — 3-47-2* ;
cf. kbmaySnasya ( R. 5 - 22 - 42 * ) etc.
unpaisiinian forms & usages In critical edition of mahXbharata 233
•245-^2 ; l i733M ; l-224 l‘ ( Di., ;
f^.8BDaD»D4.Bcintayamasa); 3-22-21*; 3-3718* ; 3-46-8';
3-204'‘-8 ; 3-242’' l ; 3198-2“ ; 3-236-6‘‘ ; 4-2i-23‘‘ ( D,., S cin-
iayan)', 5-51-2' ; 5-113-17' ( Kg vicintayan) ;
cintayanah — 3-204’'-l ;
cinta^nam — l-3-16i ( B 4 vicintayaniam ; T cintayan^nam ) ;
3-186-111* ( S dntayan ) ; 5-33-7‘';
cinta^nasya — 3-58-26* ;
samcinta^nasya — S-l?!" ( Gs samcintymSnasya ; D» cintayatah
tasya ) ;
cetayanah — l [ BD ( except Ds ) yataraano ] ; 3 238-19‘' ( Bt
cetanavan ) ; 5'?7-26* ;
darsayanam—\-l-l\%’^ [K 1.4 IV ( except Drs) GijiM dariayantam-,
Gr^niyyam]; 1-1124‘';
nartayanam—^-2Z-n'' { K 2 Bj S nariayantam ) ;
p5/ay5«a/i— 1-69-20'' ( Ni Ds ®ya tvaxn ; S "yethali ; N 3 BDo D» Di. 5.4
^layan ) ;
pujaydnah — 1-1734^-1 ; 3-907^1 ; 5-40-26* ( D »2 Gj-b pujyamdnah',
Ka D2-4.7 pujayitva ) ;
pujaydnam — 3 287-1 1* ( Ki Tx Gi pujaya ; Ka pujayamasa ) ;
nidnaydnah — 3189-5* ( S mdnayan ) ;
mrgayditah—5-94 n‘ [ Ka S ( Ta Ga om. ) mdrganidtiah] ;
vedaydnah — 5-141-22'* (Kj vedaniandh)
dkvaydmk — 5-180-10® ; ahvaydridridm — 5-542’^-3 ;
(D) -MANA for -ana
jdmnidnah — 1-7-3* ( Ka.1.3 Ds-r..; jdnan ; K2.4 Di jdnaiah ; N Vi
BDo D» D2.4 Ti Gx.r, jdmnah ) ; 1-7-4* ( K<,.4 Ds.7 jdnaiopi ;
K1.3 Da.o api ; Ka N Vi BDa D« Di.3.4 G4.6 jdndnopi ) ;
1-11-5 * ( Ko.2.3.4 N Vi BDa D„ Di.4.6.7 jdndnah ; Ki D3 jdmn ;
Da janimah ; D3 jowatefe; Ga jayamanah ) ; 1-193.13“ (^i Ki
jnayamanah K3 Na-:- Vi B Da D« D2.4 jdtidnSh Ni janantu ; S
fdnantah ) ; 3-136’‘-3 ( Ta G3 jnSyamanena ; G8.4 jnayamSnali )
5-104-23“ ( DiCfi ja/iawaA ; K4 BDn Da D3.4'G*a-io )
5-156-4“ ( K 3.4 BDmx Ds Di. 3 . 4 .e.g.io budhya“* ) ;
5-158-25'* ( K 4 Bi.a .4 Dm Ds Dc-b-iu jdndnah ; Ba ^nan ) ;
III. Feminine Parasmaipada.
(A) Without num'**
anarhoRm — 3-118-19“ ( Ta G3.4 suduhkhitam ) ;
apakarfoti — 1-928’“! ;
kridati — 1-8-14“ ( Gi.i^ Mi.b krldanii ) ;
krosatitidm — 5-145-28“ ;
gaccAaff— 3-80-118“ ; 3-215-3'* (D«a Ta Ga .4 gacchati)
1 * cf. 6Aa»<rt« ( e-113-46“ ) bruvemtH6-ll6-ir ) bhrajanti (&6-11350*)
BULLBTtN 0. C. B. t. VOL. tV.
SO
234
E. D. KULKARNI
wmgSAafl— 3'292-2* ( K ®guhya vai ; Bj ®grhyatam ) ;
vicaratl — S-Sl-y [ S ( Gi missing ) vicacara ] ;
cintayati — 3-291'6* { M cintayanfi ) ; 5-187-10^ ( Ti Gi dntayanti ) ;
1-89-42*;
pdyan—Z-2Q& &‘ f K* Da pasyantt ; B 1.3 D, Dw Di caturthi ;
S ( Gi om. ) pancami ] ;
apasyafi — 1-224. 4" ;
a6Ajdii3t»a«— 1-224-5'' [ K«. 3.4 B 1.3 Da D„i.n 3 Da S ( except Ti Gi Ma )
abhidhavati] ;
dK&rayaiim — 3-65-17' ( Da samdKarayanft ) ;
n&dayaii — 1-114-28'' { K 3 Ga-a nSdayanti ) ;
/(Miayaff— 3-288-4* ( B 4 sathpujayet ; Ti Mi pujayati ; Ta ”yasi;
Ga .4 ”yitum) ;
Warafi— 1-3-99 ; 3-68-12": 5-88-91" ( Ks B 4 D„ De-a G 5 bhavati ) ;
5-133-2"; 5-133-21"; 5-134-12"; 5-143-1"; 5-144-5";
5-175-14" (D,enam);
bhavatyah — 3-219-6“ (61 Ka .4 D^ D 1 . 3.0 G 4 bhavantyah ; 3-219-15“ ;
6 Aat)a«m— 5-88-97“ ; 5-130-3" ;
AAaaafiWiA— 3-219-18* ; 3-219-20" ;
bhavatyah— i n ; l-1029'"-2 ; 5-130-4* ;
bhavaRmm — 3-219-15* ; 3-219-15" ;
pralapaft — 1-810^-6 ;
w7a/>afim— 3-61-52“ [S ( except Ma ; Gi om. ) vilapantim] ; 3-61-86“ ;
vadali — 3-51-4* ;
aasafi— 1-147-18" ( Kj satl ) ; 3-62-36" ;
vasatim — 4-483^-1 ;
vahayadm — 1-57-56* (Ni.a V| BD ( except Do ) vahayatitim ) ;
abhivarsaft — 3-265-18" ( Ba Di "varsati ) ;
5-80-43* ( Kr, Da Dj G 3.0 M. “varsati )
^afi-l-2145’"-2 ; 3-252'"-3 ;
sasya/i— 5-142-29" ;
pra^ayad — 1-189-45“ ( K 3.4 prasadayanli );
upasarpadm — 1-1522-^3 ;
/irfAafl— 1-732^-1 ; 4-382'‘-4 (Do sati);
ti^hafim — 4-22-4" ;
^safi— 1-65-14" ( Ti Gi Mo sudaU ) ;
(B) With hum
kurvanti — 3-65-10" ( K 8.4 B 3-4 Di. 4.6 Ma kurvaiitn ; Dc kurvaR ) :
3-108-12* ( Ka .4 B Dm Di-s G 4 M kurvati ) ;
kurvantyah — 1-2040’"-! ; l'2040’"-4 ;
kurvantya — 1-203-22“ ( Ko ^a-a Vi B ( except Ba ) Da kurvatylt ) ;
nyakkurvantim — l-OSO^'-S ;
grh^ntih — 1-209-9* ( Ko. 1.4 Ni B 3.8 Da Dmi-mj Ti grhffotih ;
Ka gthifltam ; Vi Be Di grbnltai) ; G3.a.5 M«_8 grhnanti ) ;
praUgrhvant^ — 5-111-14* ;
UNPAI^INIAN F(HtMS & USAGES IN OtlTICAL EDITION OF MAHABHARATA 235
vidnvanti — 3'122‘8' ( M pracinvSnS ) ;
jSnanti—l-2i-7‘ ( Ko Ds jSnafi ; K 1.4 j3«2«3) ; 4-34l’‘'2 ;
1-73-6* ;
3-278-11® ( Bj _4 Ti Mi ajSnatya ) \
vijananii — 3-288-8'’ ( Ti Gj.! vij3fi8na ; T? Mi vijanami ;
Gi dvijanmanatn ) ;
bruvanfi — 1-143-8‘’ [Si bruvaii; Sj Vi B D(D 6 om.) bravinu] ;
3-2911'’ (KiB^bruvan);
bruvantyah — 1-63-8® ;
bruvanfim — 1-221-11® ( 61 Ki vadantim ; Kg Sj.-i B D bruvUtSm ) ;
31337''1 :
bruvant^h — 3-74-14* ;
avibruvantl — 1-78-25* ;
pratibruvantim — 1-157-12‘' [ Ta G^.j.:, 0 M ( M; om.) prati ( Gj iti )
— brumf^m ( Ta “«3 ) ; Na Vi B D Ti Gim ekam icchamy
ahaih deva ]
paritmrjanfi — 3'13-1 11“
rudanti—l im'^ A ; 3-261^-2 ; 4-338’‘ ll ; 5136-22* ;
rudantyau — 3-66-11® ;
rudantyah—l-mi^^-, 3170-57“ (Ba_ Dm rudatyah)-, 3-26814*
( Ki.a Dm Do rudatyah ) ;
rudantlm — 141’^-2 ; 3-65-31“ ( Ma rudatlm ) ;
3137-6“ ( Ka Ba.j Dm D« Di-e Ms rudattm ) 3-253-9® ; S ^Q-Sl"
[BD (except Da-g-io) G 3 M vrajantim; Gr, praSantah] 5-83-7*
[ K (Kj missing) D «3 Di.a-o-i.io Gj.:, rudattm ]
r«da«/3i3A— 3-6711“; 3-72-20“ ; 4-339’‘-2 ;
415-37* (Da rudatySh; Bi.j-r, D»a D 3 . 6 . 1 M 2 ruditayah Dw
rudita ; Da ruditoparamam ) ;
samvtnvantyah — 3-143-17*
sr^vantt — 1-169-6‘' ( ^ Ko. 2.4 S Vi BD (except Dm Ds.d) Ma-o
sf^vatt ; Ki Srnvate ) ;
sntvant^k — 3-125-13* ( N 3 D« D 1.4 §u§ruvuh ) ;
a^vant^h — 1'145-29* ;
nih&vasantt — 5-173'12* ;
stuvantt—i-625^-4 ;
ghnantyah — 3'170'57® ;
(C) _AT POR-MANA.
anvesatt — 3-61-9‘* ;
aveksaR — 3-280-33‘‘ [ K 1.4 aveksata ; Kg D* avaik^ta ;
Dii aveksya ca ; Ti avek^a sa ; M (except Ma) pratiksate ]
udiksatt—A-19-26^ [ D 1.3 udiksata ; S (Ti tom) bhimasyorah
sama$rita] ;
nitVmrtR — 4-12*10‘ ( Dy.g itiksanidf^ ) ;
preksant^h — 1-140-7‘' [Ka Ta G (G 3 om.) pa4yantyah] ;
117317® ( Kj Ti G 3.3 paSyantyah ) ;
236
• E. D. KtJLKARNI
^rcfoailMSm— a (De Di-s-s preksamSfSmm ;
T Gi,s, 4 presitan5m) ;
pratiksa»rt—3-28Q U'’ ; 5142-28'' ;
5-80-40‘ ( D 3 . 4.0 praticchantyah ) ;
avabhartsayanfi — 3-252-22* ; paribhartsayantim-i-Z07-^6.
wiawya/i— 3-209-22'' ( Ki.j manyutivra ; Gs manyante ) ;
praiimodaniyah—l-16815‘‘ ( S "nandantyah ( G 3 "nandanti ;
mrgayann -3 i90-79* ( Tj Gi .4 gayanti ) ;
arabhann—l-9i8^-l ( Ts Gi.j aharanti ) ;
anurudhyatf — 3-183-4* ( Ks anurudhyate ; D« D 4 .n °tanvati ;
BDe D 1 .S .5 Ti- G 2_4 anu ( Bus “va ) rundhati ) ;
anumdhyantyah — 415-32‘’ [ B D.-,.c.8_iz (except D 10 . 12 ) Co. c
anurundhantyah ] ;
vartanR — 3-197-21'^ ;
avartantyah — 3-149-33‘’ [ K 3.1 D* Dus Gi M hyati ( K 4 Gi Ms
hyadhi- ; D 3 svasti ) sthantyah ; Db D 4 .C To ( after corr ) G 3.4 hy
avartinyo ] ;
anuvartaft — 1 ' 6 ‘ 6 ' (K 0 T 1 M 4 anuvartini; D 2.4 Ts Guo *^vartnia
{ Ts Gp, "rtya ) ; G 2.3 Ms “varti ; Ms “yanti ; M 3.6 "margam ;
3-280-33‘’ ( Ki anuvarti ; K 4 Bs.s Db Dub) Gs anuvrajanti ; Ti
anuvariamSna ; Ts Gi.2.4 avarjanti ) ;
parivartantyah—l 293-2i‘‘ (^1 Ki.s Ni parivartinyah ;
Ti gacchantyam ) ;
vepanti — 3-144-4'' ;
vepant^h—4-19-29'‘ (61 KBDb Dus-ii is vaipatnyah ; Dw patnySstu)
pravepati — 5T44-23* ( Ti Gi pravepifa ; G 4 duhkha 6 ruvepita ) ;
pravepanii — 4-338’^10 ;
anusevoR— 8 222-26‘’ ( Ti G 1 ..S .4 Mi anusevini ; Ts dulistrisevana-
varjita ) :
utsmayanR — 1 179-22'' ;
vismayanti — 4-2315'’ [ S sa ( Ts Gs so ) pahasaih tu ] ;
(D) -ANA FOR -MANA
kama^m — 1-92-21* [ Vi B ( except Br, ) D 2.4 Mmayaniam ] ;
*2»»a:y5««y3— 1-206-13^ ( Ki N,., Bjw.r, Do D 2.4 mrnamanaya ;
ct«/ay3«3-— 1-221-7* ( Ni Di.s cintayanH ) ;
IV. Present Participles with Middle Voice'I
(A) Masculine
atani&nah — 3-45-9“ ( K 4 bhagavan ) ; 3-57-22* ;
<rfam3«a«— 3-51-11* ; 3-59-4* ; necchanMmh—l \829'^ l ;
*3«fesa»i3?wi!i— 1-110-35* ( S sevamanah ) ; 3-15-11''; 3-225-16*;
' 4 - 437 ’*-! ; 4-56-2*;
kanksamam» — 1-142-14* ;
*3 cf. paijia»iaw»i-(R 7-31-19*); R 7-7-2* ) etc.
UNPXI^INIAN FC«MS & USAGES IN CRITICAL EDITION OF MAHXBHARATA 237
kanksanShfebhyah — l-llS’ll* ; dlSnksan^t^ — 5-22-19® ;
^iSftksaniSttam — 4-315’‘-2 ;
1-7812‘: 111916*; M321’' l ;
akfidamarudi — 3- 146-29* ;
krc&an^nam — 1-165-40'’ ; kroiamati&n — 1-224-19'* ;
'nkr(mmanah — 3188-84® ; vikr(mmSnSn — 3-189-6* ;
gacchamanaJt—l-116-9'^ [ Sa BD { except Du ) anvagacchat ] ;
gacchanmnam — 4-759^-2 ;
garjani&nah — 3-l?4-6“ ( Ki_s BD ( except Dj.j ) garjan ; D*
hi rSjan ] ;
gariawSMaa— 1-995-’‘5 : 1-142-12* [ TaG ( except G* ) garjantau ] ;
3-40-25* ( Bi D„ D 4 .r. raja® ) ;
garjatnanam—l-212-32‘‘ ; 3-185-39'' ( Ki.o gaccann iva ) ;
garjanianaih — 1-1823-’'2 ( G« garjitanam ) ;
gayaniamh — 3-75-2'' ;
gZyam&naih — 1-1254’‘-1
gharsamanasya — 3-1358’'-4 ; 3-295-8* ;
jighranm^ah — [ BD (except Di-j.r.) ^jighran ] ;
caramaftah — 1-513^-8 ;
3-136-8* ( Bi-s D„ D 4.0 vyacarat ) ; 3-182-4“ ;
caram&tjZh — 3-92-18“ ;
caramat^m — 3-154-33“ ( K 4 caraniam ; Bi.a D»i D 4.0 T G rama-
manam ) ;
vicaramarSnam — 4-175^-28 ;
pvanianah — 3-190-64* [ K 1,2 saiiijivayami j Ks-* Bi Di.a-a ( rnarg.
sec. m. as in text ).(v ajivayami ] ;
3-190-66" ; 4-656’'-2 ;
jivaniamn — 3-10-23* ;
jivaniane — 3-154-26“; 3-241-26" ( Ta vartamane) ;
jivamane^ — 3-238-2" ;
santitvanianasya — 3-256-4“ ( Ta Ga punah sa jivatn asadya ) ;
yvfl/flwiflM/zA— 1-224-16“ [ Ka ^.3 BD ( except Di. 2 . 6 ) prajvalan ;
Vi prajvalitah ] ;
jvalamanam — 4-1028^-1 ;
tarjamartah — 3-135-36" ( D «2 G 2 ramarnSnah ; M 2 tvaram^ah )
divyamanah — 5-2-11“ ( Ki. 2 .r. D» praddivya ); 5-14^-l ;
divyam&nam — 3-56-10"
p(&yamanah — 1-207-8* (^\Ko.\.Aprapasyan); 3-122-11“;
3-155-69* ( G 4 pc&yan ; K 4 Ti vik^manah) ;
3-806*-8 ; 3-213-47* ; 5-146-23* ;
pasyamSnah — 1-221-18* [ T 3 G ( except Gj ) pa^a matar ] ;
3-161-4* ;
apasyaniSnah — 1-65-2“ ; 3-153-8* ;
sathpeAyamar^ — 3-173-22" ; 3-174-9" ;
dkydyaniSn^ — 1-183-1* ; ■
238
E. D. KULKARNI
pradh^yaniSnah — 5-146-26* ;
nandani&nam — 5-49’7* [Di.w ( sup. lin. ) vandyamSnam] ;
Ts Gi M 4.5 vandamanahj ;
nardani&ri3h—l l%2i^-2^ (Ni vardhamanah ) ; 1- 18511®;
vinardamSnah — 3-146'40* [ S jala ( M 3 jit3 )-valainbo ] ;
nrtyaniSnam — 3-185'39* ;
apacaniatiebhyah — 3'2’51® [ K 3 (sup. lin.) apacaisu ;
Gi ayaca ° ; Ts G ».4 api ca manebhyah ] ;
pataimnah—\ M-2(f ; 3-20516® ( Ki Di_s G vartamanah ) ;
patatmnam — 1-83-6* ; patamanaih — 3'169-10‘‘ { S patadbhik )
bhraman^tHdt — 3-212-20‘'
mdrgamStfak — 1-73-27‘'; nmgamatjSh — 4-24-11' ; 4-814’^-3
niiirgamaifamin — 4-42-8® ;
Parimarjamanah — 3'44-24® ( Ti Gi. 2.4 Mi pariniarjan ) ;
Ts Gs parimriya ; Ms pariniSrjayan ) ;
vySyacchanianSh — 1‘178-11* ;
rokMuia^h — 1-152-13*; 3-90-8'; S ( Ki. 3.4 D 3 .S Ms rak^n);
' 3-215-20‘‘ : 4-5210‘‘ ; 4-59-44‘' ;
rdk^niamh — 1-476-’‘-9 ; raksamatmya — 5-145-28' ;
rcdisamafSnam — 4-20-26' ; pariraksaniamk — 4-61-24® ;
samraksanianena — 3-106-8* ;
rodani&tuih — 3-132-17* { BDc Dm D 4.0 sobhigamya ; Di.s Ms sotha
rSjan ; Dj sobhivadya ; TG sotha viprah ) ;
arokaniStjiah — l-133'l* ( G 3.0 prayasyantali ) ;
vilapamanasya — 5146-19' (Gs lipsamanasya ) ; vilapyamane l-233’'-3
vivadam&nah — 5-17-11® • vivadanianem — 5-33-72' ;
Icdanianah — 1-76-5‘ ( Gi.s lajja “ ) ;
avalganianam — 4- 12-15' ( D 1.3 ahuyamanah ) ;
«»asaw3«aA— 3-39-16'' ; 3-336’^-2
vasatmnam — 1-109-24* ( 61 vartamanam ) ;
vasamane^ — 3-241-1® ( 5i K D)_ 3.6 TGi vartamanesu ) ;
Gs .4 M evam gatesu ) ; 4-13-1® (D 1 - 3 . 7 .S vasaisu) ;
visanCSinam — 3-213-26‘‘ (Gi. 2.4 pravisantam) ;
nivisaniSrian — 3-269-1® (Ti'nivartamanan) ;
Pravihamanah — 3-137-18® ;
4-55-16® (S vretiman) ;
var^mSfi^ — 3-186-72® ;
varsat^m—1-21518^ ; 4-54-1® ; 4-972^-4 ;
socaniSnah — 5-105-2* ; socanianau — 3-238-35® ;
socaniamk — 1-133-6' [ Ss B D (except D 5 ) Ti dinan drstva ] ;
3-49-3* ; socanianasya — 3-238-34' ;
svasaniStiSk — 3-179-6* [S (except Ti Gi M) svasaniaH\ ;
samldamanam — 4-60-10* ; visarparriai0k — 3-234-19* ;
praHdkam&tiamm — 3-297-36' (M pratidhaRm) ;
3- 297-37' (M pratidkaiam ) ;
4- 123’‘-3 ; 4-125’'-i ; 4-43-18* ;
UNPAl^INIAN FORMS & USAGES IN CRITICAL EDITION OF MAHABHArATA 239
praspkuram8(iodhah — 1‘43'21‘’ ;
visphuramaifosthah — 3-46-28“ ;
viharamS^k — 3-146-1* ; ht?yam^udt — S-SS^"* ;
(B) Feminine.
kS>ik^mS(0—3-251-21° ; f3kksam3(ulm — 1-1640’‘-3
atikramatndf^hih — 3-191-18 ;
vikrmarnamyah — 1-173-14“ ( Ko.s -4 lalapyamanayah ) ;
^yaniatia — 1-810^-5 ;
anugayaniam — 1-71-24® ( Bam.j D« Di .4 gayunti ) ;
pdyaniana — 3-122-8* ( B D« D 4.6 S pakyanti )
apasyatm’w — 3-60-2“ [ G ( Gi missing ) Mi apc^yanti ]
pataniamm — 3-108-4* ;
tnajjamam — 3-187-11* [ K (except Ki. 4 ) B 4 Di_ 3 .&
nimajjati ; ( Ki "jjanft ) ; Mi '^jjanti ]
niargattmja — 3-62-33“
nivamimmyafn — 4-221^®-! ;
socamatiah — 3-170-56'' ;
ti^hamanam — 1-1-120* ;
(C) Neuter.
dravaniatjani — 3 -263 -24'*.
V Present Passive Participles'*.
(A) Masculine in-a/
udiryantam — 3-134-21''; udiryatah — 4-59-35'* ( Dm.s.t.j Mi udiryate) ;
kcdhyatah — 3- 16-1'* ;
kathyatam — 3-182-1'' ; 3-261-1'' (K 3 tattvatah ; Ki karanam) ;
sa’MCtryaniah — 3-188-18* (Dc Ti Gi Mi sariikirantah) ;
Ds T-: G :-4 samkiryante ; M» saihsarantah) ;
k^pyaiam — 3-682’'-! (Ki Dj patatam) ;
^sipyatah — 1-16-15* ;
khdnyadbhih — 1-3-115. ,
grhyantah — 5-42-11* ;
upaciyadbhih — 3-169-10* (K 4 D;.;, upacinvadbhih ) ;
jiryatah — 1-840’'-5 ; 3-2-35* ;
parijiryatah — 1-1373’'-! (Da "te) ;
parij'tryaSlm — 1-122-4* (Doi "te ; Ds Gj.r, "ta) ;
dahyantam — 3-63-1* ; dahyatah — 5-49-20* ;
dahyata — 2-213-33“ ( ^i dahaCa ; K 0.4 dahyatmnena ) ;
dahyatah — 1-216-34“ ( 6 i Ki M 3.5 dahatah ; T 3 G }_4 dahyani&nasya
Ni dahanasya ) ; 3-261-50* ( D* Di.j dahyan^nasya ; Ti Gi
dahyate ) :
dahy^m — 1-48-12'* ; 1-217-13* ( K 3 B® Di sahasatha ;
N 2.3 Dn sathgha^ah sma; B 1.3 Da D 4 samgha^tha; Bs sahas-
rotha) ; 4-53-34/; 4-54-4* ; 4-973’'-5 ;
cf. bhrai^ati— ( R. 6101-6* ) etc.
240
E. t>. kulkarni
rfrsyfl/oA— 1-57-58* [ Vi BD ( except ) drstayoh ; G* dr^ayoh ];
adthyadbhih — 1-202-19" ( adr§yaih ; K 0.3 Ni adrSyau ) ;
sfimpradrsyaOwt— 4-43-11'* ( Gj °dr^ate ) ;
wdAwyaS— 3-44-17'' { S vijitam ) ;
pacyatam — 1-48-13'‘ ;
abhipSiyaBm — 3-99-4'‘ f K 4 T 2 ( after corr. ) G^ "patitah ;
Ts ( before corr. ) G 2.4 “patinam ] ;
pfiyaiS — 5-55-14* ;
presyaBm — 3-238-44‘‘
prabhajyantam — 3'47'48'' [ S ( except G 4 ) prdbhajyamanam ]
maihyatah — 1-217-13‘‘ ( Di.s manthane ) ;
tfadAyaw/am— 4-20-23* ( K 4 manasa ; B 4 D® vadhyaih tu ; D 3
vadhyam te ; D3.7 vadhyam hi ; Tj vidhyaih tu ; G3 vadhyaih
tvam ; Ca vadhyam ) ;
uhyantah — 1-124-24‘' [ TG ( except Gj-c ) uhyante ] ;
pravislryatah — 1*218-49‘' ;
vyatisiryaBm — 4-43-11* ;
hanyaiam — 4-33-6*
hriyatah — 3-154-31“ ( Di _3 apalirtan ; TGMi hrtan ) ;
(B) Feminine.
upasyantim—3-265 2 ^ ;
pariklisyanRm — 3-13-105‘ ;
vi^ryanfim — 3-254-19‘’
VI. Causal Present Participles.
-AT FOR -mXna.
bkisayan — 1-28-10‘‘ ;
vibhtsayan — 5-15510‘.
VII. Miscellaneous.*'’
(A) Change of Conjugation.
kTUaniancdh — 3-186‘46“ ;
grdhyan — 5'3314'* [ G 1.4 Mi ( sup. lin. as in text ) 3.4 grdhnan ]
sarhghrsyantah — 1-16 21 * ( Da Gi.;, e saifaghusyantah ;
T] sasvajantali ; T 2 sariisrjantah ; G 2.3 sariigharsat tu
M 2.4 samgharsantah ) ;
vitarkantam — 4-233’^-3 ; vitarkamariasya — 4-185*‘-13 ;
anudhydntah — 3-245-2* ( T 2 Gi-j "praptah ) ;
mardaniSnah — 3-146-39* ;
pramathan~4-997^-7 ;
pramrsyatah — 5-352’'-2 ;
amrundhati — 1-1552’‘-6 ;
A separate paper will be shortly publidied, in whidi I have dicuseed this point
in detail
UNPAIsJINIAN forms & USAGES IN CRITICAL EDITION OF MAHABHARATA 241
vasantyah — 3128*2* ( G 2.4 vahyania ) ; 3*866^*1 ;
snayaniih — 3*213*42'* ( Kj patibhih ; K* Do-s..-, snatah ; B Du
svapatih ; Dc snaftk ) ;
(B) Change of Conjugation and Pada.
akrt&yamanah~~l'^2-T \ S SS-S**;
tapyamanah—l UO'^Qf ^ ; 310410® ; 3*135*24'^ ;
tapyamanah — 3* 142*24'* ;
tapvanianam--^‘7B 22^ ; 3*574^1 ; 3*135*25® ;
parihhnrtsantih — 3*264*48® (Ki.. Di paribhartsya ;
B.^.i bhartsyamana ) ;
avalokayanti — 4*8*6^ ;
vridarnana — 1*1131^*6; 3*290*21® ( K>i Dcj Di.-j vepamana ;
TGi.,.i trida^an ) ; 4*34*11'* ; 5*19d*14'* ( D3.1 vridita ) ;
(C) Participles having Passive sense
viksobhayamanr^m— 125-23^ (Ki viksobhya),
pasyamanah — 3*4*5* [ N (K 1.4 missing) vandyanianah ]
apasyan — 5*119*3* ;
apasyamafidn — 1*48^*2 (Dn T- G 3 adr^yamandn ;
Du-u Ti Go. 4.0 ajfiayamanan ) ;
prapasyamanah — 5*26*14'* ( Di G 3.4 M 3 pradrsyd ' ; Ti G> Mi. 3.1
^’dar^ya^^ ; Gi ^budh^^a^ ; G.-, ^dahya^ ) ;
yM«;Vz/5m— 4*936^*14 ;
pravrajamamm --- S ' 224 ' S ^ (Ki B1.3 D1.3 T > G3 pravraja’’ ;
Ti Go pravrajya^ ) ;
(D) Passive Participle having Active sense.
viciniyamanah — 1*444^*2 ;
(E) Passive Participles lacking in — y^/.
ma 2 iamdna\i--Z'V^\' 2 % (Ti pacyamanah ) ;
majjaYndnesu — 5*13 7 * 2 1*^
mmfljjtfmaMam— 3*282*43® ;
asajjamanah—hlSb-y { Do.i sa bhajya*' ; Da Di... asahya'* ;
Gi alarkya®) ; 5*40*1® (Di.k.u G,...i M ( Mi inf. lin. as in text)
asajycP ; Gr, atarjya” ) ;
s<zjyflrm3«flrmanodrstIh — 3*150*24® ( Bi sahya‘^ ) ;
vyapohamaridh — 1*137*7® (Gi.o vyapohyd ^) ;
(F) Passive Participles with nasal retained.
vancyamdnam — 1*56*8'* [ N2.3 Vi B3.4 Dh badhyamana ;
Bi.o.fi Da Ds-i ba (Dai va) dhya" ] ;
(G) Causative for Simplex
karayantah — I-SSIQ® iaryaniatiah — 1-99-8® ;
dSryamStuih—3’105-2Q'' [ B ( Bi om.) De D„i.»... Ds diryanidifoh ] ;
BULLETIN D. C. R. I. VOL. IV.
31
fe. D. KULKARNl .
vitBryama^fn — 3*522^* 1
ve^yaniah--V^V2l ^ ;
aKapayan—b-lQ-^Q ^ ; 5-71-32* ; 5-75'15^^ ;
5-9M9® ( Ki avapyartham ; Ky Ds avapyaham ) ;
Miscellaneous.
adhyasaii--l ^'T ;
anvhyanm\ak--^*2^'\A^ (Bi D« Di.io-i-j anvesyamanah ;
B;. Dr» ^'nvesa ^ ; D7-9 anve ^ ; S anviccha*^ )
anvisadbhih — 3*1370^-7 ;
niskramantt—^'n^'l^ (BDni Ds Dr.-s-io nhkramante ;
adhiksiyaniau — l-S-GO*' ( K0.3 M4 ''k^yantau ) ;
Mayamanah — 1 1828^*4 ;
dhriyamamkau^^' — 3-1328^*l ;
paribhujan—iior paribhunjan) 5-73-8* [Ki.1.3 Bi D (except Ds Di)
T.. Ca- ii- s. parirujan ; Ko pravirujan ; Ti G M paribhavan J ; •
vtbhajan — ( for vibhaiijan ) 3*160-27" ^3'830^*1 ; 3* 160*37^ ;
( B1..J.1 De visrjan ; Gi bhagavan ) ;
muhtyamanah — ( for mahyamanab) 3*184*7^ [^1 K D1-3.;, pragiya-
manah ( K\ Dj.s ;* nab ) 1
vimrsan— ( for vimj^an ) 3* 137 1^-1 ;
rodamam — 3-60-14'^ [ Si Ki tudait sma ; Ks rudilva sma ; Ki Di
rudati sa ; Dc rudatiti ; Dm rudaty atha ( Dm- ffidaty ittham J ;
rodaniyah—( for rudatyah ) 5- 139*51^ (D 3.4 G 3 rodanti ;
Ti tavantyah ) ;
samsarpamanakam ^^' — ( for saiiisarpantcim ) 3*292'20^ ;
saiamanam — ( for siyamanam ) 3 134 14" [ 1\. G ( except Gi )
yatamanan ; Gi pratimanam ] ;
ujjihatah — 5-13410‘‘ ; ( K3.1 B Dm Ds D.-i.r- m jihir^atah Ca
ucchrayatah )
PAST PASSIVE PARTICIPLES'-
SET FOR ANIT
prasita — 3*15418'^ ( Kj pibasi tvaiii naradhipa ) ;
ksubhiiah’-3-22V31^;
bhedimh-3l4S-9''
yaiitah — 5*12615" ;
rupiah — 1*9*21‘^ [ K 0.2 dubkhito ; B.i.., D ( exce])l D^.i.r,.; ) Ty Gi-€ Mj
kupi^’; G:j .3 dasi^] ; 3189*18^ ( B 1-3 Dc Dm Dw, kupito ; Dg
api rusa ; 5*186*8" ;
rusitdh — 5*159*2* ;
We 6nd only two instances of participles suflixed with -ka as in bahuvrih
compound.
cf. vihvasiQh ( R. ) ; etc.
UNPA15JINIAN FORMS & USAGES IN CRITICAL EDITION OF MAHABHARATA 243
1*89*38^ [ 6 i pustam; Ni.s BD (except Da) Ti tarn asane
copavistam ( Ti samavistam ) ; Ns u^tam ; To G M ce^tam ;
{ G 2 jyestam ; Gs ^estho )] ;
vyflfmsi/aA— 5T55T4*’ ;
SflEfom— 5-20-7" ( To sakm ) ;
praharsahartia- -119 -5
(B) ANIT FOR SET
udirmnam — 5*6718® ; klptam — 1*43*6® ;
japiajapyah — S*"* 77*22^ ( Ds japyaparah ) ;
paribridstah — 3*126*28* ( B De D#i D 4 .fi bhdsiie ; To G bhdMtam ) ;
parydsvasta — 3*190*20; visvasiah--^ 3-261-4S^ (T^ Gi. 2.4 visrabdhah) ;
parivisvasidnS-154-1^ ; 3*180*2® ; pratydsvasian—V187-18^ ;
agastyaSs/5w — 5*141*41® (Ki Dg*^' iantam; S ^kantam ;
K 3 ^^acaritam ) ;
abhivtsvasiam — 3*165*1® ( Ki.o D- abhitislhantam ) ;
3*171*^; 3*284*7'“;
mvasiah^l'l'l60' ( G 7 asvasya) ;
usvastau — 3*281*8® ;
dsvasiam — 3*49*31® (Ks asane) ; 5*90*1® (Ti a^vasya ; Mj-r, asinam) ;
inhvastam — 1*2*28'“ 1*134*15'“; 3*13*74®; visvasidn — 1*2*181®;
1*132*16® ; l*136*r ; 1*1515''*12
visvasiasya—5'37*ll ^ ; visvastesu—3-15A-13^ ( T^ G 3.4 vinastesu )
avisvasfdh — 1*135*20* ; visvastavat — 1*135*20® ;
vnvasfd — 1*139*20'* ( Ko visrabdhd . )
samdhvastah— 4 697^ 2 ; 5*185*15® ( Ki.o sania^vasan ) ;
samdsvas0h — 3*221*42* ;
samdsvasmn—3’96'14^ (Bi. 0.4 D^D„ Di.^.r. samastan ; Dn samasinan)
suvisvastam—3-180-41^; suvisvastdn—hl36'3° (K.> suvmabdhdn ) ;
l*136 iy ;
aspastah — 3 36*7* (Kj asphuto; BD^ D*. saihsprstah ; Dosamsprste);
vispastam — 4*120^*81 ; 4*122^*1 ;
(C) Causal for simplex
avighdtitayd — 3*190*20 ( Di.r, avighd^ ) ;
vydditdsydh — 3*146*46'’ ;
3*i06*20'' ;
dndyifd — 5*158*7* ( Gs avamata ) ;
pdvitah — 3*212*30'^ ( Kj Ds yacitah ; BDc Da D 4 ^c Gj arcitali ;
Di edhitah ; Gi. 2.4 M pavakah ) ;
ydjitah — 3* 128* 1 1^
pravestitah — 3*111*19* ;
abhiseciiah— 5110^ 4 ;
visarjite — 3*170*47'^ ( Ko Ds.r, vijrmbhite ; B 4 prayojite ) ;
(D) Simplex for causative
vyasasfl(mpfl«n3m— 1*53*28'" ( G^.^ Mi.r, '"samproktam ; Tj Go sam*
proktah)
244
E. D. KULKARNI
(E) Miscellaneous
nikfiah — [ D^i D 3.4 vsmcitah ; S ( except Gg M 5 nikrtya J ;
abhigrdhnah — 41316® ( Bn D; Ca ^bhigrddhah ; TG ^bhilasi ;
M ^vrttis tu ) ;
parictrmh—^ 20A*2T^ ( Ki.g Tg paripurnas tu ) ;
vitasfdm — ( for vitatam ) 3*638^*1 ; 3-932^1
prativindhyatah — 3*3615'^ ;
nastamasikf^ — 5* 187*35^ ( Tg Gg nasta^ ] ;
prahinasoko — 5*38*6* [ S ( except Tg ) prakstna^ ] ;
aparihhiam — 1*3*86 ( K 0.4 Dr, Ti Gi Mg ^^htyamanam ;
B 4 Di parihtyamanam ) ;
ACTIVE PAST PARTICIPLES
karitavan — 3*1307^*2 ( causative for simplex ) ;
msar]itavart—?i'l^l'W ( set for anit ) ;
GERUNDIVES
(A) SET FOR ANIT
krodhitavyah--^‘ld^Qi^'1^2 ;
anayitavyah — I-US IS"* ( S anetavyah ) ;
ahvayitavya — 1*7715*^ ( Tg Gf. ahvayantyTi ; Gj fi^vasitavya ) ;
(B) ANIT FOR SET
estavyah — 5*114*8*^ ( vividhah ) ;
jagartavye — 1*138*30 [ B ( except B;-, ) Da Dg.-i jdgrtavye ] ;
ajayyam^^—V20^W 1*216*9'» (Kg D, Gi.,n ajeyam) ;
ajeyah — 1*193*12® [ K(,.o BDa S ( except Gi Mn.f» ) ajayyah ] ;
ajeyau — 1*164*5* ;
prayattavya—3-6S'lb'^ ( Si K. Bg Dn Di-n Ti G 1...1 prakartavyam ;
Ki Dfg D 4 ^^attavyam ; Kn mantavyam ; K 4 B 4 Tg G 3 M ^vaktavyam ) ;
(C) Miscellaneous
lipsitavya — 5*10*23' ( Kg S ipsitavya ) ; 510*23'^ ( Kg Dio S
ipsitavya ) ;
aSas^n — 5*96*21® ( TGi. 2.4 a^islan ; Gr, astsyan ) ;
PERFECT PARTICIPLES-''
(A) Lack of reduplication
eytvaf — 3*41*23'* [ B ( except Bg ) Dwi D 4 tyivat ( D;,i ^van ) ] ;
sameyivan — 1*29*12* ( Kg .4 B 4 samtyivan ) ; 1*1025^*1 ;
3*269*9* ( Ki Deg B 4 samf ) ; 3*275*38'* (Ki.g samupeyivan ) ;
4*6*4^ ( K D 5 . 6.10 Ca samtyivan ) ; 4*7*8*^ ( K Bg Dn Cc samtyivan ) ;
tattw^rthadarsivan — 4*26*1* [ (Dr, (by corr.).; ( m as in text ).«
^dar^anah ; Gi M 3 ^tattvavit ; Mi.g. 4 .r> suksmarthadarSanah ; ]
Probably a metrical lengthening.
coayya and c^eya are indiscriminately used in the MahabhSirata ; I have not given
an exhaustive list of references but have referred to a few for our purpose.
20 cf. eyivSnf R. e ia i?" 6*59*134^* ) etc.
UNPAlillNIAN F(»MS & USAGES IN CRITICAL EDITION OF MAHABHARATA 245
dharmai/arsitfan — I-WS-IS** [ S “darSanah (Tj Gi. 8.4 ®na ; Gj ®ne ) ] :
pratyaksa</<zr§tvaM — 1-54-18* ( Devp. "daiisanah );
Hhavan — 5-33-28* (K 3 B 2.5 D* iihlhfSn ; Ds jfianavan ;
Cd.H.s. Ohah ; De anubhivavan ).
Future Participles.
(A) esyai — 5- 149-33'' (Kj gatam e^am ca ; K« BDm Ds Ds-i
.G.».io matam es3m ca ; K 4 gatam ekasya ; Di gataih caiva
janardanah ) (anit for set and -at for -mana ) ; «
patisyamaiie — 1-1516“ ( with middle voice ) ;
Desiderative Participles.
I Masculine
(A) -AT FOR -MANA
samjighrkmntdh — 1-180-11'’ [ Ns.j Vi B D Gv jighamsantah
(KsGjsaih")] ;
jijUasantah — 5-75-5“ ;
jijflasadbhih-lim^-1 ;
didrksantah — 5-81-67'' ;
yuyutsaiam — 5-56-52* ;
viviisan — 1-1891^-4*
MfTmn — 3-238-47*' ( K 4 B| Di.s Ti G 2.4 SuSrusuh ;
Gi ^u^rusam )
susrusantah — 5-389’'-! ;
II Feminine
(A) Without num.
abhtpsaii — 1-158-31*'
cikir^ti — 1-18-6* ( Gi jihmadkirsaya ; B 4 »i cikirsitum ) ;
3-68-21*' [ S cikirsati ( Gi varisyati ) ] :
(B) -AT for -mana
jighrksaii — 1-2009’'-3 ( Ti Gi.j iucismita ) ;
jijfSasantya — 5-134-6* ;
susrUsanti — 4-225’'-2 ; 4-13-2* ;
III Participles with middle voice.
Masculine.
abhipsamanah — 4-49-7**
ipsamanak — 1-212-28“ (Ko N; Bg-r. Dj ipsan]K, Bi.® Da D»» D 4
icchan ; 5-47-84f ;
ipsatmmh — 3-964’'-2 ;
parlpsanianah — 3-255-8“ ; paftpsaniamn — 1-88-7* ;
pradidhaksaniaruth — 3-113-15“
jighatnsamanah — 1-180-14“ ; 3-230-27“ ;
Frequentative Participles.
roruyatim — ( for roruyamanam ) 3-116-22“ ;
ISlapyatah — ( for lalapyamanasya ) 1-232’'-!
A DESCRIPTIVE HANDLIST OF THE ARABIC, PERSIAN
AND HINDUSTHAnF MSS BELONGING TO THE
SATARA-HISTORICAL MUSEUM AT PRESENT
LODGED AT THE DECCAN COLLEGE
RESEARCH INSTITUTE, POONA
By
C. H. Shaikh.
(There are dCvScribed in thisi paper 18 volumes?, colnisisting of twenty-five books,
of which one is in Arabic, two in Hindi, two in Urdu and the rest in Persian.
Whoever iicccfSMry the present wriUT has throvvii additional light on the
value— hisltorical, artistic or literary— of the MSS, a(nd has thus cont4biited his
quota of resi'arch. Special mention of four works' might be made in this con-
nection ; one is the well-known collection of Abu’l-Fadrs Letters {Insha-i Abu'l-Fadl) ,
at the end of which there is a Khdtima to Vol. Ill of Ahhar Nanm by Abu’l-
Fadl, to v/hich attention has been drawn by the present writer ; the second
is the Khivdn-i'Ntmut of Ni’mat Khan-i-* Ali, which is being considered
as a separate work by him on the art of Cookeryi, probably owing
to W. Pertsch, Derlm Cut,, and also owing to Eth^'s attempt to identify
part of a volume with' thd <o-called Ni'mat Khan’s work on Cookery.
The prcvsent writer has shown that Ni’mat Khan had given the title Khwan-i-Ni’mat
to the volume of his prose and poetic works which he himself had collected and to
which he had appended an Introduction or (Khufba), In the latter he states in
unmistakable terms that he was naming this collection Khivdn-tANi* mat ; the third
which also has been brought to notice is a complete copy of Faidi s Persian transla-
tion of the Mahdbhdrata, about which scholais were in doubt. Eth6, for instance,
went so far as to doubt Faidi’s having ever translated more than the first two
Parvas. Attempt has been made to show that Faiiji did translate the complete
M<thdbhdrata, The Fourth and the most important work that has been noticed for
the first time is the revised edition of the Mir'dt-i-Sikmdari, which the author of
the work himself brought out in his own life time.
Lastly it must be owned that but for the guidance and help of my tutor,
Khan Bahadur Professor Shaikh • Abdu I-Qadini-Sarfaraz, M.A., I.E.S., this paper
would not have seen the light ol publication.!
I. Religious.
1. DddHlu'l-Khairdt— ta popular devotional work in Arabic, in
the introductory remarks of which the author Abu ‘Abdi'l-Lah Sulai-
irtan Al-JazJulI (d. 870/1465, see Brockelmann, Gesch, de, Arab.
LiK, Vol. ii., p. 252) points out the importance of | Je
and adduces evidence for his assertions from the traditions of the Prophet.
The work is divided into an Introduction, fol. lb : Idizbu^UJuma'Q
(Section for Friday), fol. 14b; ffizbu's-Sabt (Section for Saturday), fol.
22b; Uizbu'l-Alpad (Section for Sunday), fol. 30b: Ifizbu'l-Ithnain {iox
Monday), fol. 39b: WizbuUhdhalatM (for Tuesday), fol. 48b: HizbuH^
Arbdd (for Wednesday), fol. 58b : (for Thursday), fol. 67b.
At fol. 83b, the MS ends. There is, however, new matter added by a later
Arabic, Persian & Hindustani mss of satara museum 247
writer. It is on an inferior sort of paper and starts on fol. 84b, leaving 84a
blank.
Our copy is a fine specimen of illuminated works and was probably
copied in the eighteenth century. On the fly-leaf is the following matter
CS? which means that
the work of decorating the MS. was done by olUk- a.^
It is in the same hand as the later addition on foil. 84b-86a, and might induce
one to remark that the addition was made by the above-named Din ‘Umar b.
Sultan Mahmud Badru’d-DIn, probably a gentleman from the Punjab. The
work has been printed a number of times in India and abroad and a number
of commentaries have been written on it. It begins : -
i* a/- l:I y j 1 ’»
Ex. No. 1 ; foil. 86 ; ; 11. 13, each long. There is inter-
linear gold work throughout the ttxt, while its frontispiece as also :he begin-
ning of every section (Ifizb) is illuminated. Gold Jadivah. Beautiful
Nasj^, probably eighteenth century.
II. Translations from the Sanskrit.
2. Mo^hdbhdraia in Persian.
With a view to (i) bringing about a better understanding between the
Hindus and the Muslims, (ii) showing to the Hindus that many of their
superstitions and beliefs had no real foundation in their ancient authoritative
works and finally, (iii) convincing the Muslims that the world had been in
existence from a longer time than they imagined, the Mughal Emperor Akbar
ordered a Persian translation of the most ancient epic of India, th„ Mahd-
bhdrala, to be made in 990/1582. For this purpose four great scholars were
engaged : ( 1 ) Mulla ‘ Abdu’l-Qadir Badayum, the celebrated author of the
Munta^abu't-Tmamtkh ; (2) Ibn * Abdi’l-Latif al-Husaini, famous as Naqib
Khan : (3) Muhammad Sultan Thanesari, and (4) Mulla Jihirl. The work
when completed was named the Razm Ndma. It was prepared under the
geneial supervision of Abu’l-Fadl the Prime Minister of Akbar, who contri-
buted his famous introduction to it in 995/1587.
In addition to the above version, there arc to be found three more
versions in Persian of the Mahdbhdrata, one by Abu’l-Fadls brother, Faidu
w4io brought about a more ornate and highly embellished version of the above
two years later (completing the 1st Parva 1st Rabi‘ I, 997/Jan. 18, 1589),
and the two others by Prince Diara jy^ukuh and IJaji Rabfi* Anjab (who
flourished about 1157/1744).
Our copy is Faidi’s version of the 1st Parva (AdJ Parva) and
begins
3 sJ.
248
C. H. SHAIKH
MSS of FaicS’s version are not rare ; Ethe^ describes three copies of
this work, Nos. 1945, 1946 and 2922, of which the first and the second
contain only the first two Parvas. The' last :(i.e. 2922), Ernfe considers to
be the work of Naqib Khan on the ground that it does not possess poetical
pieces and that in the beginning of Parva XIII the text of that MS. agrees
with that of Parva XIII of No. 1944 (Vol. I, Col. 1087). Ethe^ goes a
step further and even doubts Faidl's having ever made the translation of more
than the first two Parvas. Ivanow,^ on the other hand, describes a MS. No.
1697, which contains FaiiiJI’s translation of the XII Parva ; RieUy m, 1042
b, asserts that the MS, Or. 2014,, contains on foil. 112-118 : “ Abstract of the
translation of the third Parva of the Mahabharata by Fai?I.” The Bombay
Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society* possesses a good and complete copy
containing eighteen Parvas of FaidJ's version which begins as our copy, al-
though there is nothing at the end to indicate the name of the translator. If
Eth^’s No. 1944 is the work of Naqib Khan, then the Copy of the Bombay
Brandi of the Royal Asiatic Society (ZZ. b. 21) is not evidently of Naqib
Khan, for their beginnings of Parva XIII do not agree at all. In view of all
these things, I am inclined to think that in all probability Faidi did translate
the tjdhole work and that the copy of the BBRAS is the complete copy of
Paidi’s version. Its first Parva agrees entirely with our copy.
Our copy was transcribed in Shawwal, a.h. 1232/ August, 1817, and is
written partly in Nasta‘liq and partly in ShikastaamSz, apparently by one
and the same scribe whose name has not been mentioned. On the last
folio of our! copy (fol. 244 a) occurs the name of Faidi : —
v-i f J I ^ ^ ^ ^ ^
Ex. No. 13 ; foil 244 ; 10'^ v 5 «" ; n. 15 . each 3^ /," long. Condition
good.
3. Yogavasi^ka ( ^^* 1 , Sy. Ijtj )
Valmikl’s Yogavdsislha is too well known a work on Hindu gnosticism
to need an introduction here. Suffice it to say that realising its importance
the Mugjial Emperor Akbar had it translated into Persian in 1006/1597-98.
Finding the above translation to be rather lengthy, and thus devoid of much
utility, Prince Diara Shukuh had it retranslated in an abridged form. This
abridged version was completed in 1066/1656.
Our copy contains Dana Shukuh's version and has been already des-
cribed by me in the BDCRL W. m, p. 397. It begins :
It was transcribed on Sunday the 21 st of Muharram in the forty-third
Cat. af Ind. Off. Lib., Vol. I.
» Loc. cit., i, col. 1588.
Des. Cat. of Per$. Mss. of Royal As. Soc. Bengal, p. 771.
^ We are obliged to the Society for lending us this MS.
ARABIC, PERSIAN & HINDUSTANI MSS OF SATARA MUSEUM
249
year of Awrangzeb’s reign (1111/1700) at Barhampurii by a scribe named
Jlwan Riama. It formerly belonged to Lt. Ramsay.
Ex. No. 4 ; foil. 110 ; X 5" ; 11. 22, each three inches long.
Beautiful ^ikasta ; proper names and ‘ Unwdns in red ink. On the
fly-leaf is written in half Modi half Balbodh “ Diwdn-Vrji'".
III. History of India.
A. General.
4. Kkul(is>alu t-T<iwdnbh.
A general history of India from the earliest times to the death of
‘ Alam^r (Awrani^zeb) by Mun^i Sujan Ray Kayalh of Patiala, completed
evidently after Aurangzeb’s death (1118/1707).
The contents of this work have been fully given by Rieu (i, pp. 230-231),
Morley (p. 69), Elliot (Hist, of India, viii, pp. 5-12) and Ethe (i. Nos.
362-364 and 3012). Comp, also N. Lees, JR AS., New Scries, Vol. iii ; Garcin
de Tassy, JA., 5‘‘ Seric, Vol. iii, p. 366 and Hist, dc la Litt. Hind., i, p. 31 ;
Biblioth. Sprenger., No. 221.
'Chirs is a complete copy and ends with the deatli of Awrangzeb (1118/
1707), which look place at Ahmadnagar, Deccan. It begins :
**
On the fly-leaf is an oval seal of one Qhulam Rada, who styles him-
self as the owner of it, probably in his own writing. He states that this
copy was entered into the register of his books on the 17th of Safar 1197/
Jan. 22, 1783.
There is a rectangular label of Mr. Willian Blane on the cover of the
volume. There are also marks in pencil : —
G/O/seel. No. 13.-2/15/-. the last figure probably denoting the price at
which Mr. Blane purchased it.
Ex. No. 11 ; foil. 357; lOi" X 6" ; 11. 19, each 4" long. ^Unwdns in
red ink. Condition good. Eaily eighteenth century. Shikasta ; scribe’s name
not given.
B. History of Minor Dynasties.
Mughals.
5. A'tn-i-Akban, a part of the third volume of Akbar Ndnia, but really
an independent work, by Abu’l-Faicjl b. Mubarak Sll^h (d. 1011/1602), the
celebrated prime minister of Akbar. The work is too well known to 'the
students of Indian history and has been published and translated into English,
Our copy of the A'tn-i-Akbari is defective both at the beginning and
aL the end. Probably only one folio is missing in the beginning, while th(Te
are various lacuna throughout the copy. On the fly-leaf is written in addi-
tion to “ .ojl * Jjju following
250
C. H. SHAIKH
i J'* 3 lAIcI C.‘ ‘^^■3’* 'tiJ 3 <11 J* 3
«* 3i |3^*» J
There is, on foL 2a, with which our copy begins, a rectangular seal of one
*Ibadu'llah, to whom it probably belonged some time. There is at
the back of the cover the label of Mr. W. Blank, whose pencil marks,
G/Q/sal. No. 9. 2/5/- appear to indicate Vhat most probably he purchased
the cc^y for £2/5/- Begins : —
“ 3 3 3 ^3j'} 3 3 ”
corresponding to p. 2, line 20, of Blocumann’s printed edition, Vol. i,
Calcutta, 1872.
Ex. No. 15 ; foil. 340 ; lOJ" X 8" ; 11. 20, each 5i" long. Clear ^ihasta-
dmtz ; probably late 18th century.
6. Iqbdlnamchujahmgiri. ( )
The IqbdlndmaA-Jckdngin consists of three volumes, the first two of
which, containing the history of Babur,. Humayun and Akbar, are excremely
rare ; while the third, devoted to the reign of Jahangir, is very common.
The author of the Iqbalndma was a native of Persia, by name Muhammad
Sharif, and received in the third year of Jahangir a military command and
the title of Mu^tamad Khan, by which title he is generally known. He was
later on attached to Prince Khurram as BathsM and followed him in his
Deccan campaigns. In the seventeenth year of Jahangir, he was appointed to
carry on the work of the Emperor’s Memoirs. In the tenth year of Shah
Jahan he was promoted to the post of Mir Bakh^i and died in the thirteenth
year, a.h. 1049/a.d. 1639-40.
This copy and the following one are the third volume of the Iqbalndma.
The work has been printed in the Bibl. Ind., Calcutta, 1865 and in Lucknow,
A.H. 1286. It begins
The transcription of this copy was completed on the 10th of Ramai(Jan,
thirtieth year of Shah ‘ Alam’s reign by Ahsanu’llah. The beginning is illu-
minated and fol. lb possesses the signature of Mr. William Blank, who
seems to have purchased it foi £3, s. 3.
Ex. No. 2 ; foil. 244 ; 8i'' X 5J" ; 11. 11, each 3i" long. Red and azure
Jadwals, while ‘ Unwdns are given in red ink.
7. The Same.
This copy is written on a rather inferior paper, in different hands,
^ikasta-dmiz, ^ikasta and finally in nasta'liq, probably by one and the
same man. The text is not as clear as in the preceding copy, but is com-
plete in every respect. Neither the name of the scribe nor the date of
transciiption has been mentioned. It bears the names of Lt. Ramsay and
ARABIC, PERSIAN & HINDUSTANI MSS OF SATARA MUSEUM
251
Mr. W. Blane. The pencil marks show that the copy was purchased most
probably by Mr. Blane for £ 1, s. 1. There are marginal notes also.
Ex. No. 9; foil. 192 ; 8J" X 3" ; 11. 15, each 3i" long. No fadwals,
‘ Unwans in red. Probably nineteenth century.
Bahmanids.
8. History oj the Bahmani Dynasty in Ve^'se.
This is a translation^ in Urdu verse of the fourth chapter of the Persian
work TaWi^-i-Amjadiyya, which latter was published at Ellichpur in
1287/1861 by the author. \bu*l-Fath Diya’u-d-Din Muhammad, known
as Sayyid Amjad Uusain. The translation in Urdu verse was made by a
second-rate local poet who calls himself by his poetic name Suhail. From
the introductory remarks made by him in the poetic version, it is evident
that at the time of writing he had passed through the prime of his youth,
that grey hairs had already begun to appear in his head, that he had tra-
velled extensively, that he had been disappointed in life as a consequence
of which he had taken to seclusion and that, he had been devoting his retired
life td scholarly pursuits and to the composition of poetry.
The Tdrt^-i-Amjadtyya, from which this poetic narrative is derived,
is apparently based on the famous History of Firislita, and as such, from
the historical point of view there is hardly any importance attached to it.
Although the language is simple, it is doubtful whether one could consider
it as a “ good specimen ** of the last century's Urdu poetry. Notwithstanding
its inferior literary character the version is valuable from two points of view,
first, becaue it is by itself an independent and complete account of the Bah-
manid dynasty and secondly, because it incorixirates in itself actual and
relevant compositions of other writers which have been quoted by Firishta.
These pieces relieve the monotonous tension of the account and make the
narration interesting reading.
The Anjuman-i-Taraqql-i-Uirdu, Delhi, has recently brought out a litho-
graphed edition of this work solely based upon our copy. It is, unfortunately,
not free from defects, for the editor, in his haste to put it through the press,
seems to have omitted the most important work of collating the text with
that of the so-called autograph copy which is preserved in the Osmania
University Library. He has, besides, not cared for the orthographic peculiar-
ities of the Urdu language practised in the last century and has invariably
given modem forms tp such words as the following :
For (readings found in our MS) he gives . for
Vjf. . , e?:,. It ’'as’ part
of the editor’s duty to adhere strictly to the orthograjrfiic and such other
philological peculiarities of the text, for these, altmg with many others, are
milestones in the development of a Language, and, as such, must be retained.
252
C. H. SHAIKH
Be that as it may, our copy begins
“^1 f'J
The metre employed is the usual Mutaqarib : —
''--1 “-''I
On the fly-leaf is the following remark
“jTS J ^ ^
The MS. seems to have been compared with the original from which it
was copied, as it bears corrections and variants in the margin. This also
appears to have been once the property of Mr. W. Blane, whose pencil
marks are clearly visible on the fly-leaf.
Ex. No. 7 ; foil. 55 ; 10" X 6" ; 11. 19 each 3" long. * Uwans in red ink.
Condition good.
History of Gujarat.
9. Mir' ui-i-SikandmtS'
A fine copy, though defective in the beginning and also in the middle
(about 60 to 70 folios seem to be missing) of the celebrated work of Shaikh
Sikandar b. Manjhu, who is said to have completed it in 1020/1611 (or
in 1022/1613, according to a copy in the Bodleian Library, Hunt. 230)
while he was in Jahangir’s etnploy. It deals with the history of Gujarat
from the foundation of the monarchy to the suicide of Sultan Mu?affar III
(1000/1591-92). The contents of the work have been fully described by Ethe
and Rieu.
There is a very interesting and instructive copy*’’ in the BISM (hereinafter
denoted by Bl) which has been described by Dr. M. A. Chaghatai in
BDCRI, 4, PI). 127-34. It is a very valuable MS. but unfortunately it is in-
complete. On comparing it with our copy and on a careful consideration of
all that has been said about other copies of the work in Rieu, Ethe and
Ivanow, I am led to believe that in all probability there were two versions
of the work, an earlier and a later, but revised by the author himself. Space
does not permit me to go into the details of the facts which force upon me
the above belief. I intend to deal with this question in a separate article
• The MifatASikandmi is a mine of information about the political, cultural,
religious and literary history of Gujarat. It contains a complete and authentic
account of the Gujarat Muslim dynasty. For the literary history of the Gujarat
province this work has ample material, which, as far as I know, does not seem to
have been fully utilized.
I am much indebted to the authorities of the Mandala for having lent me
this remarkably important MS,
ARABIC, PERSIAN & HINDUSTANI MSS OF SATARA MUSEUM
253
later on. It is a pity, however, that the B1 is not complete, as no less than
15 to 16 folios seem to be missing from it (after fol. 55 b).
On fol. 24a of our copy, after the sentence (11. 4-5)
oA cJ ( i.e. the island of DiEU ) 0 j/j<s JLSl jl ... ..
a 1/3 page-size space has been left blank, eviden'ily for the map of the
island of DiEu, as stated in the above sentence. This map was possibly
present in the original copy from which our MS has been copied. This map,
if traced, would certainly pro\?e of great value, for the earlier maps we
IX)ssess are by Portuguese writers, whose main interest had been with the
port and the land adjoining it ; they do not give sketches of the land beyond
the port area.
Our copy, though defective in the beginning and in the middle, is in
some ways valuable for its good and clear text and is likely to prove of
considerable importance in bringing out a Critical Edition of the Mb'dt-u
Sikmdaru
Our MS bears two seals, one of Ahmad Baig Khan and the other of his
son, Muhammad A§ghar, an officer in the scTvice of ‘ AlamgTi. Of the legend
in the seal I could read this much :
Jy
Under the seal is written ji»-| «UU
The above owner seems to have given some of the sectional marks and catch-
words in his own hand. The MS api:)ears to be fairly old, probably sc^ven-
teenth century. It has been recently repaired and its folios mounted on a
bordering inferior paper, in comparison with which the original paper api')ears
to be of a far superior quality and thicker. The volume has been recently
bound and on its cover appear the pencil marks of Mr. W. Blawi .
R/O/Sal., No. 15, 15/.
Ex. No. 18 ; foil. 164 ; 8i"x5y'; 11. 16, each 3" long. Beautiful but
small NQstaHiq ; gold Jadwals. Probably seventeenth century.
IV. Letters. Ornate Prose, etc.
10. In^dA-AJnClFadl (also called the well known offi-
cial and private letters of Abu’l-Fa41 b. Mubarak Sbah, the Prime Minister
of Akbar, compiled by his nephew. ‘ Abdu’?-§amad b. Afdal Muhammad,
who contributes in embellished prose a preface to it. The date of this
compilation is to found from the chronogram “ oUKL.,,
The volume is divided into three Daftars : Daftar I, containing Politi-
cal letters and Farmans written on behalf of the Emperor to various officers.
254
C. H. SHAIKH
and contemporary rulers ; Daftar II contains Abu’l-Fadrs private letters to
the Emperor, his friends, relations, patrons and scholars, and Daftar III
contains Abu*l-Fa<irs notes and comments upon works of other writers and,
poets. The work has been published a number of times in India.
The Daftar III comes to an end with Abu’l-Fadrs ** Khatima ** (Epi-
logue) to his Akbm Nama, Vol. III. In this Khatima. written in a highly
embellished prose mixed with poetry, a detailed account of his family is given.
Our copy contains (i) ‘Abdu’s-Samad’s preface, beginning with
j., ^ ^ lb);
(ii) Daftar I, on fol. 3a, beginning with
‘
(iii) Daftar II, fol. 57 b, beginning with : —
vIjIIIo j ... n
(iv) Daftar III, fol. 158b, beginning with
»i»l I 3 1 <.1^
p"i j I D ^ ‘r’ !>' 1
The Khatima to the Akbar Kama, Vol. Ill, fol. 224 b, beginning with :
i I <0 ,y
Its last lines are : —
iSJ^ j\ J*}^ i *» i\ jy Ciy; iS^f jl ■^'A' J*
The colophon seems to have been cut by some interested person.
On the fly-leaf there are two partially illegible seals, one rectangular and
the other oval. The legend on the rectangular seal appears to be
{j» Jc) seal seems to belong to his predecessor
and cannot be deciphered by me. On fol. 259 is written : ^^^31 ^ 1 : 3 - ^,|
Jc l;T who has also scribbled a Persian distich in Shikasta.
Ex. No. 8 ; foil. 259 ; 11. 15, each 2|" long. Beautiful Nastallq, pro-
bably eighteenth century.
11. The Smne.
On fol. lb, ‘ Abdu’s-Samad’s preface ; on fol. 3a, Daftar I begins with
Akbar’s letter to ‘ Abdu’l-Lah Khan Czbek, possesses occasional notes writ-
ten in between the lines and on thel margin ; on foil. 64'b, Daftar II begins
with Abu’l-Fadl’s "Ardadasht to the Emperor, found second in the preceding
volume. Begins
\yj m. J.;ail|^i| Ua:* zJ^\^ <0^
Daftar II was transcribed by a copyist by name Zainu’l-‘Abedin (evidently
the same gentleman that also copied Daftar V in 1263/1846- 47),
ARABIC, PERSIAN & HINDUSTANI MSS OF SATARA MUSEUM 255
Daftar III, foL 167b, begins :
3 I f I ^*1-^ k ^ ^3^^ ^
in clear Nasta'liq, by the same scribe that copied Daftar IL On fol. 264a
begins the Khatima of the Akbar Name, Vol. Ill : —
Evidently the copy is defective at the end, as it abruptly comes to a close,
on fol. 279b, with the following lines : —
0\ i 3 1 \j 0**- 3 3 •^13^:^ ^3^ 3 I t5^
j J'-* iS U* c5*^ cT*' -
• U JJ 1 J‘. I «^U-r -x^ ^ C^kh j •Ulj J
y \, I ^ I j jlit •-xoj? f W“i ^ ^ ^ <*•- Til -> ^ 1 ^ ^
The last two lines of the above passage cem to have been written by
the copyist and require a little explanation. As we have already pointed out,
the letters of Abu’I^Fadl were compiled by his nephew in a.h. 1015 (Cf. the
chronogram 4 ^ oLrK- ) Evidently, therefore, the original from which
the present MS. was copied, could not have been transcribed earlier than
A.H. 1015. The date 996 is, therefore, misleading and might have been a
mistake for 1096 (? ).
Ex. No. 10; foll.*297; 1H"X7"; 11.15 & 16, each 4" long
12. In^d-uBarhaman, also callled ; j jX:^
ohs- or 0 ^^. o'«: collection of his letters.)
Chandrabhan (poetically called Barhcman), the son of Dharatndas^
a Brahmin of Patiala, was bom at Lahore. After studying Persian under
Mulla ‘Abdu’l-Karim, he became secretary to Mulla Sliukru’l-Lah SijTr^,
entitled Afdal Khan, who was appointed in the first year of ijjjah Jahan’s
reign as ’Wazlr-i-Kull. On the death of his master in 1048/1638-39, Chandra-
bhan was appointed ^,y. ^|j, Muhammad §alih Kambuh,
author of the ‘Amal-i-$alih. mentions him amemg the important poets and
prose writers of Jahangir’s court. Chandrabhan was later sent on a mission
to Bijapur by Sph Jahan. The celebrated author and Prince Dara Sbukuh.
for whom he acted as Munglp for some time, was a great admirer of his
literary genius. Chandrabhan retired ’.o Benares after the death of the
above prince and died, according to the Tad^kira-i-Lodi (quoted in Rieu,
Cat.), in 1073/1662-63 ; but others place his death in 1068/1657-58.
Chandrabhan was a prolific writer and states in the introduction
to this work that he was the author of a number of works, among which
are: (1) (2) (3) (4) ,
(5) ji^ , (6) j and (7) j .
256
C. H. SHAIKH
Our copy is complete and bears the title
It was found in Scindia’s camp by Mr. William Blane in 1782. On the
cover, however, the title slip fixed by the clerk of the’ Museum is ‘ Jahangir’s
autobiography, collected from Scindia’s Camp by William Blane’.
Begins. ij 31 Cj^
Ex. No. 17 ; foil. 184 ; 8"X5-i" ; 11.9, each 2|" long. Clear ShikastC'
amiz. Probably early eighteenth Cent.
13. I nsha-i' Khalifa (or JamfuUQawmin) . Khalifa ^ah Muham-
mad is mentioned by Aziad in the Mddthiru'l-Kirdm as the author
of the above work, which was much used in schools, although
its style has no great merit. He adds that KhaKfa Shiah Muhammad spent
some time in Belgram, where he studied under Shaikh * Abdu’l-'Qiafur and
Sayyid Khairu’l-Lah (who died in 1144/173il-32). Azad gives extracts from
letters to the above two scholars, which arc included in the present collec-
tion.
These letters were written by the authoi while he was vSiudying at
Qannuj and were collected by him at the request of some of his friends. They
are addressed, for the most part, to schclars and men of learning, whose
names are found in their respective superscriptions. The date of composition,
fixed by the following chronogram, is 1085/1674-75
^ At*..* i» ^ ^ till** j 2i
The work contains an (1) introduction, fol. lb, (2) Fasl I, comprising
26 letters (each called \ fob 4b ; (3) Fasl II containing 43 Ruqa‘at,
fol. 28a ; (4) Fa?! Ill, further divided into two Qisn^s letters of (i) Congra-
tulations and (ii) Condolence : (5) Polite Forms and Titulature
I fol. 46b, and a (6) Khatima, in which the author sets out
certain principles or rules (each called in number, for the
art of epistolography.
Our copy was transcribed on the 12th of Muharram, year twenty-two of
Shah ‘Alam IPs reign, i.c. 1195/1780. The name of the scribe is not men-
tioned. The work has been lithographed several times in India. It begins : —
Ex. No. 12 ; foil. 54 ; 7i''X4i" ; II. 12, each 2J" long. Written in
cursive NasiaTtq. Condition, partly wormreaten. Sticky ink. Paper ordi-
nary. Needs immediate repair.
V. Persian Poetry.
1. ^amsa-i-Ni^dmi (also called Pmtj. Ganj.), the collection of the
famous five matfinawis of, Ni?anu of Ganja (b. 1140-41. d. circ. 1202.
1203):--
(1) Makhzanul-Asrdr (for date of com|X)sition and other details see
Arabic, Persian & Hindustan! mss of satara Museum 2S7
Rieu, ii, 564 sq., Ethe, i, p. 595 sq.), contains 20 Maqalas, and begins on
folio lb
C— A I ^ I ^ 1
T/anscription completed on Sunday, 4th of RabP II, a.h. 1234/a.d.
1819, Jan. 31j,
(2) fChusraw wa S/tirm, composed in 576/ i 180-81, is the most famous
of Ni?amrs romantic malbnawis. It contains praises of Sultan Said
Tughril bin Arsalan (who came to the throne in 573/1177-78), the Atabek
Abu Ja‘far Muhammad, and his brother and successor, Qizil Arsalan (1186-
11911. It begins on fol. 23b :
The work of transcription was completed on Thursday, the 2ncl of Oh ul-
llijja, A.H. 1234/a.d. 1819, Sept. 2. (which is given in Pillai’s An Indian
Ephemeris as Wednesday and not Thursday).
(3) Haft Paikar lor Bahrain Ndma), composed in 593/1197, seems
to have been dedicated to Atabek Nuru'd-Din Arsalan (589/1193). The
poem is called in our copy ^ begins on fol.
88 b , y jl ^ (S y y jl ^1
Transcription finished on Sunday, 9th of Rajab, a.h. 1235/a.1). 1829, April
22, (which is a Saturday according to Pillai, Loc. cit.).
(4) Laild wa Majnun, composed m 584/1188, is dedicated to Sultan
Abu1-Mu?affar Shirwanshah. It begins on fol. 137b : —
Transcription completed on Saturday, 7th Dhul-Hiiia. a.h. 1L35/a.d.
1820, Sept. 15. (This is Friday according to Pillai.)
(5) (A) Sikandar Ndma (or Iskandar Ndma-i~Bairi) , the famous
Alexander Book, written in the same metre as Firdawsi’s epic, was prob'^bly
composed in 597/1200-1201 and dedicated to Nu§ratu’d-E>in, the successor
of Atabek Qizil Arsalan. It begins on fol. 180b
\j* 3 1 j* ^ 0 1
The work of transcription was completed on Thursday, 21st Jumada
I, A.H. 1237/a.d. 1822, Feb. 13 (Pillai puts this to be Wednesday).
(B) Sikandar Ndma-uBal^xh also called l^irad Ndma or ^araf Ndnut
(here called jxS^\ ^;ir oJU 54 1 ’ ) was dedicated
to Tzzu’d-Din Mas‘ud and begins on fol. 248b : —
It may be pointed out that the verse in the beginning of our copy
differs from that given in Ethe’s No. 972.
BULLETIN 0. C. R. I. VOL. IV.
33
C. H. SHAIKH
Our copy was transcribed in gbawwal, a.h. 1237/a.d. 1822, June- July,
by Sayyid Mirza Mufoammad Ka?im, known as Mirza Aqiasi Nad-i-‘Ali al-
IJusaini, at Shiraz.
For the life and works of Ni?anii of Gunja, please see Kh^an Bahadur
Professor A. K. Shaikh’s Descriptive Cat. of Ar. Per. and Hinduslmi MSS.
in the University Library of Bombay, 1934, pp. 296-299.
Our copy appears to be a loan-copy lent by its former owner, Mr. Alfred
Huth (who wrongly entitles it Khuldsatul’Ehamsa of NUami). The MS is
valuable as a fine specimen of Muslim calligraphy and book-binding. Its
binding is superb and on the outside and inside of it there are floral designs,
with verses from Nizami’s Ma^zan on all the borders of it.
Ex. No. 6 ; foil. 285 ; 10" X 5ii" ; II. 25, two couplets in one line, each
measuring 3ff inches long. Gold and azure jadwals. Text in clear small
Nasta'liq. Frontispiece and beginnings of all the poems illuminated.
il5. Yusuf Zulai^a of Jdml.
^Mawlania ‘Abdu’r-Rahman Jianii, one of the greatest poets of Persia,
Ijas been generally considered to be the “ last great classical poet He was
an encyclopaedic writer and his works, which are as popular to-day as they
were during his lifetime have been printed a number of times in Persia, India
and Europe.
Jami’s Yusuf Zulaikha is written in imitation of Nizami’s ^irin wa
Kl\usraw. and lias been translated into English also.
Begins •
jl I
Our MS is a fine copy written in between lines illuminated through-
out and possesses on its frontispiece a rectangular seal which is not very
clear. So far as I could make out, the following seems to be its legend
(0(0 “ V. * •••
seal is written dJU ’*
In addition to its importance as a fine specimen of calligraphy, the MS
is valuable for its 50 half-page illustrations of miniature painting of the
late eighteenth century.
Ex. No. 14; foil. 143; 7r X4r ; 11.17, each 2.1" long. Gold ruled /eft/-
tools, half an inch wide. Small clear NastaTiq. Transcription completed on
the 11th of Jumiada II, A.n. i206/A.D. 1792, Feb. 5, by a scribe named
Qu(bu’d-Kn.
VI. Miscellaneous.
16. A Volume, containing the following three works : —
(A) The Mind Bazar generally attributed to the authorship of ?uhuri
TurghSzi (d. 1024 or 1025/1614 or 1615 in a Deccani rising), ^uhurfs works
have beeq fully described by Rieu, Ethe, Ivanow, and Khan Bahadur Prof.
ARABIC, PERSIAN & HINDUSTANI MSS OF SATARA MUSEUM 259
Sbaildi and need not be given here. The Mtnd B&im is a good example of
ornate prose and begins on folio lb :
Foil. 1-36 ; 6"x3r' ; 11. 9, each T long. Cursive NcstaTiq. Trans-
cription finished in the fifteenth year of Sfiah ‘Alam Bad^ah’s accession at
Allahabad by a scribe whose name is not mentioned.
(B) Na4m4-Kdgha4h or Kagha4h Ndma, an Urdu poem by Lutfu’l-Lab
Khansahib. who adopts the takj^alltis of Lutfi. It is in praise of paper and
is divided into a number of stanzas. It is a crude attempt at versification
and does not observe the laws of rhyme and measure. It begins : —
jyM aA y 31
There is a copy of this work in the Bombay University Library (vide K. B.
Shaikh, Des. Cat., p. 188), but the line with which the poem commences in
that volume, i.e.,
Jills' oT 1 (in our copy, ^.ji)\.:ir Ails' ^
occurs as the seventh line of the first stanza in our copy.
Foil. 37-45 (numbered separately), size and description as above. No
name of the scribe nor the date of transcription.
(C) Mathnawt4-Daryd4‘hhq (here called a Matfanawi by Mir
Taqi Mir) of the famous Urdu poet, MJr Taq! Mir. It begins : —
tl’
(corresponding to page 583 of the Kulltydt-i-Mir, Nmalkishme edition,
Cawnpore). There are 215 bayis in our copy (in the printed ed. there are
265 bay is), the last ones of which are
^ C-51W cfk
Jr. ^ 0*- Or, Jr jt* x J
The text is written, more or less, on half the page.
FoU. 46-60 (marked separately as 1-14) ; size and writing as above.
Copied on the 24th of Rajab (year not given).
Ex. No. 5 ; foil. 60, size and writing as above.
17. The Collected works of Ni'mat ^dn-i^Alt.
(Mirza) Muhammad (so in our copy) or Nuru’d-Din Muhammad of
Sbixlaz, famous in Persian literature as Ni‘mat Klian-i-‘Ali, was bom in
India. A poet of no mean order, Ni*mat Khan practised medicine in the
earlier part of his career. Hence' it was that he had adopted liakhn as
his takhcdlu^, but changed it later to ‘AH, at the suggestion of his tutoi,
Nawwiab Danighmand Khan (see our copy, foil. 154b-155b). In 1104 or
1105/1692-94, he received from Awrangzeb the title of Khdn
and was appointed, we are told, the (Superintendent of
C. H. SHAIKH
the Royal Kitchen). Later he also received the title of Muqarrab
from the same Emperor. On this occasion, he was promoted to the post of
Keeper of the Royal . During the reign! of Shah ‘Alam he
received the additional title of Danishmand Khan and was ordered to
write a history of Shah ‘Alam’s reign, which work was never completed, as
the author died in 1121/1709 ; he had hardly written before his death an
account of the first two years. He was buried, according to one accbunt,
at yyderabad, and according to another in Delhi.
Ni'mat Khan-i-‘Ali was a prolific writer and has been credited with
the following works : —
( 1 ) Waqai*4-I1 yderdbdd, his most famous account of the events
of eight days during the siege of Golcunda-Hyderabad, written in
a most satirical vein. This work has been published a number of
times.
(2) Jang Ndma, an account of the war between the sons of Aw-
rangzeb.
(3) Shah Ndtm, Bd^dh Nfima or B^ihddur Shah Ndma, incomplete
account of the first two years of Shah ‘Alam’s reign, mentioned
above.
(4) Risdla Dar Hajw-i-Ifukamd.
(5) Kadkkudd'l4‘Ij[usn wa (or hum wa 7^r/), in mixed prose
and poetry.
(6) A Dlwdn comprising Ghazals, Qasidas, etc.
( 7 ) Letters.
(8) A Commentary on the Qufdn in Persian, extremely rare.
(9) A Treatise on the Science of Medicine (see below).
In addition to the above, Ni‘mat Khan has been credited with an-
other work, called Khwdn-i-Ni'mat (a book on Cookery). But, I
think, there is probably some mistake in the note of W. Pertsch, Berlin
Cfii/., p. 343, on the strength of which even Ethe has been tempted to con-
nect part of a volume described by him (lcc, Vol. I., 792, vii) with the
alleg d work of Ni'mat Khan, the so-called Khwan-i-Ni'mat, The fact appears
to be this that while the author- lived undei the patronage of Awrangzeb,
whatever works he had written by that time he collected together in one' volume
and wrote an Introduction (Khutba) to it in ornate prose, mixed with poetry
(called in our copy : I, J Jjoi ). In this Khutba he
names this collection lQ^wdn4’Ni*mai Comp, the statement
CfJ fll h
“^1 Ij ^ d.; (our copy, foil. 150b and isia).
Sprenger, however, did not fall into this trap and rightly called this collec-
ARABIC, PERSIAN & HINDUSTANI MSS OF SATARA MUSEUM 261
tkwi Khwan-i-Ni‘mat. containing prose and poetic works, of the author com-
posed up to the time when he was the bearer of the title of Ni'mat KJii&n.
Our Vdume contains the fc^lowing works ; — 1. WAQAT (No. 1 men-
tioned above), foil. lb-94b; 2. Kadihudffi-i-husn wa 'IsM> No. 5 aboive,
foil. 94b-118b: 3. A Treatise on Medicine (c-jli -I'tJii ),
No. 9 above, f<dl. 118b-124b ; 4. Letters to, and on behalf of, friends, probab-
ly the' same as No. 7 above, foil. 124b- 135b (fol. 136a. blank.) "5. Extracts
from the collection of his works, entitled JSJtwm-i-Ni'mat (see
above):— (A) Khutba-i-D’tvan. beginning: —
** jtH ^ ^
This covers foil. 136b-156a. At the end the author states why he changed
his Talsballu? from' Naldm to ‘AH. This portion was transcribed on the 5th
of DhuT-Oa‘da. A.H. 1201/a.d. 1787, August 19.
Then occurs on fol, 156 a Qit‘a beginning with :
erj i 'T'. 'is 'i V \i o'* j\,
Then follow prose pieces and chronograms. On fol. 166a there is an Urdu-
Persian chronogram, which gives the birthdate of Mufaddal Klran. Then
follow selections from Maflinawi b^inning with : jl aJ-IJjl
jjjj f I (foil. 178b-180a). Then other chronograms,
prose-pieces and smaller poems (foil. 180b-191b). On fol. 191b occurs an
elegy in maflbnawi form on the death of Awrangzeb, composed by a poet here
called Ja'far. Begins :
ffi j\ o'?*' \J‘3^
The MS ends abruptly with another chronogram on the death of Aw^gzeb
(fol. 192b).
Ex. No. 16 ; foils. 192 ; 10f'X7" ; 11.10, each 4J" long. Bold Nflsfo
• Txq. Prob. nineteenth century.
VII. Hindi Poetry.
18. A volume containing two works in Hindi poetry
(1) Surdas’s poem, praising the glory and deeds of Shn Krishna.
Begins : —
( uSl^WiW ; ) o I
^ T jT Ci^f *Sjr
It contains 122 bayts and ends thus : —
^ tyU
jy '* f li*-'
Fcrfl. 7 ; 7"X5" ; 11.10, each 3" long. Qear NasMRq, pr<*ably of the
eighteenth century.
C. H. SHAIKH
(II) Sk^i Krishna's adventures described in Hindi verse. Comp,
foil. Ua (mariced! as leaf 4) :
^ j'j* Ojb- *->1 ji-
The poem is divided into a number of Adhyayas and begins
On the cover, which seems to have been recently put, the title of the
volume is given in English as Bhupatkiral. Foil. 298 (i.e. 8-305,
marked separately from the preceding) ; size and writing the same as above.
Transcribed by a person whose name has been erased by a later hand, on
Monday, the 7th of Rabi’ II, a.h. 1198 /a.d. 1784, Feb. 29 (which is a Sun-
day according to Pillai), corresponding to Phialgun Shud 9, Shaka 1706.
Ex. No. 3 ; foil. 305 ; size and other details given above.
TOTALIlY
By
C. R. Sankaran and M. G. Venkatesiah.
[This paper based on Sapir’s Totality (Lang. Mono., No. 6. 1930) deals with
quantity with reference to Kannada—an important language of the Dravidian family.
This paper as that of Sapip is lor the eventual use of all those who are interested
in fundamental problems of language structure and the approach from the Dravi-
dian, it is hoped, win be found interesting as it gives rise to certain new ideas on
the subject of Totality. The materials are classified and arranged in the same order
as found in Sapir’s monograph with special comments wherever new ideas are
Indicated. A table of totalizers is given at the end of the paper.]
For the glossary of technical terms used in this paper, the reader is referred to
Sapir’s monograph (p. 6). These terms are i^histrated by the following four
Kannada sentences
1. NdlkHjmm baruttiddre (Four men are coming) -quantifiable ; ndlku —
quantifier ; ndlkujana — quantificate.
2. Ondu hidi akki (A handful of rice), akki — quantifiable; ondu Quanti-
fier ; ondu hidi akki— quantificate.
3. Ella heuni^u nonage kodu (Give me all the fruits) /wtitiw— quantifiable ;
e//d— quantifier ; elld quantificate.
4. Avugalellavamiu nonage kodu (Give me the sum total of those) avugale^
-quantificate.
Nos. 1 and 2. Direct quantifiers — quantifiers directly apprehended without the
necessity of arriving at the intended quantity by going through one or more paren-
thetical operations, e.g., ndlku, ondu hid*. No. 3. Totaliser — quantifier whose
function it is to emphasize the fact that in the given context the quantifiable is not
to be thought of as capable of increase. No. 4. Calculated quantifier-— b. quantifier
which is apprehended mediately, with the necessity of arriving at the intended
quantity by going through one or more mathematical operations e.g., the sum of.
I. Whole — Part relatmi.
d/fl— indicates inability to proceed after count, (all).
ella — vindicates unwillingness to break up into smaller objects, (whole).
In many languages these two types of objects tend to be differently totalised.
But in Kannada ella and a^(u are used for both.
e.g. ella mejugaiu i= all the tables.
ella meju or mejella{= the whole table.
mejugala^fa tyagada maradavugalu — all the tables arc made of teak.
meja$tu tyagada maraddu — the whole table is made of teak.
Qumtifiables are divided into (1) Individualised— e.g. Tuppa (Ghee), and (2)
Totalizable, e.g. meju (Table), huri (Sheep) - susceptible of various kinds of aggre-
gation either direct, or based on some previous operation of disintegration.
II, Six Types of Totalizables.
(1) The whole existent— mtejella (the whole table).
(2) Summated existent— mejinabhdgavella (the parts of the table).
264
C. R. SAnKARAN and M. G, VENICfiTESIAH
(3) Persistently whole existent — mejinabhagagalella. This is also called
the Reassertedly whole existent— 2 i compound of (1) and (2)
. —meaning all the parts of the table~(the whole of the table).
(4) Simple aggregate— mifugalella (all the tables).
(5) Whole aggregate— ^mejugalagumpella (the whole set of tables).
(6) Reasserted aggregate — mejugalagumpugalella (eX\ the sets of the
tables).
The use of the plural suffix -gain may be noted here.
III. SinguUtrised Totaliser.
* Each ’ individualises more clearly than ‘ every But in Kannada we have
prati or andmdu for “ each To give the meaning of every ( all accumulating by
increments of one) there is a tendency to repeat the word, c.g. mane manegu dtpa-
galive (every house has lights).
IV. Definite and Indefinite Totalizers,
ella — cannot be ambiguous or indefinite (all); halavu (some) is indefinite;
kelavu (some) is indefinite but gives sometimes a sense of minority, c.g. kelavaru
bandiddmu (only some had come).
In Kannada there is no corresponding term for ‘ both ’. There are terms like
ndvibbaru (we two); nivibbaru (you two); avarmvaru (they five) &c.
There is a class of Totalizers in Kannada which is in one way definite and
yet indefinite. This is more abstract than simple non-evaluated direct totalizer and
less abstract than general calculated evaluated modified totalizer. In our opinion,
this forms a link between generai and specialised totalizers,
dru (rix) is definite. But in the following combinations.
NaNidru is indefinite but means a number of one digit.
Hattdru is indefinite but means a number of two digits.
Nurdru is indefinite but means a number of three digits.
Savirdru isl indefinite but means a number of four digits.
KotydrU is indefinite but means a number of eight digits.
Kofydnukoti is indefinite but means a number of innumerable digits.
V. Direct and calculated Totalizers,
Direct — ella, a$lu (whole).
Calculated — ottu, \mlfltta ^thc sum total).
VI. Umversai statements,
\Huttidavarella sdyalebeku (All that are born must die). Here ella is not a
totalizer but class indicator.
Prati nmnusyanu sdyabeku (Ever>' man has to die). Here prati is class
indicator.
VII. Evaluated Totalizers.
tumba, purd (full); sdkdda^u, lakkas(u, (sufficient); trptiydguvaslu (enough);
purd (complete); bharti (entire); apuia, sampurna, nirdosa (perfect).
VIII. Modified Totalizers.
(1) Distributive e.g. ondonddgi ; (2) limitative; e.g. konca konca, a^ta$lu,
svalpasvalpa, (3); Exclusives, e.g., kaftu katfe, mute mute. (The whole set or bag
and not one or two pieces or parts) .
TOTALITY
265
IX. Negated Totalizers,
(\)ellaru aUa (not all); (2) hm Ulade hogatUla (not without anything);
(3) Barade iddavare ilk (not one that did not come); (4) dk akkiye (nothing
but rice) — emphatic.
X. Specudised totalizers,
(1) Collective nouns, e.g., a flock of ^ep. Collective nouns of this type do
not exist in Kannada. The general terms kindu, gwapu, are applied! to all. (2)
Direct specialised totalizers : («) Non-evalmted , simple — jaminelk'; modified —
avanige serida jamtnu mattige. (6) Evaluated, simple- -kmiyci (a flock of
sheep); modified— ondu ku/i akki (a handful of rice). (3) Calculated specialised
totalisers. (a) Non-evaluated simple -— afeda jaminelk ; modified — atedu mikka
jaminelk, (fe) Evaluated simple — puriti hoda jaminelk ; modified — Bekdgu-
vastii jaminu.
XL Quanlificates involving totalization,
(A) Totalised quantificates which determine existents or occurrents :
1. Totalised selection quantificates ; ivdla, iveradu.
2. Totalised order quantificates ; uddakku, pratumdardlu,
.3. Totalised Space quantificates ; alldli, ellellu.
4. Totalised time quantificates ; ydvdgdu,
5. Totalised condition quantificates ; elldshtiydliyu.
6. Totalised purpose quantificates ; tdtparya, uddesa,
7. Totalised cause quantificates ; kdraria,
8. Totalised requirements quantificates ; purtiyagi,
9. Totafised manner quantificates ; elk terada, ella vidhada,
10. Totalised value quantificates ; apufa, nirdo^,
(B) Total giumtificates which are existents or occurrents : \
11. Totalised existent quantificatCvS ; idi prapanca.
12. Totalised occurrent quantificates ; purti kaffalu.
Sometimes quantifiers pure and vSimple are often really disguised as quanto-
quantifiers, e.g., nonage elld i$(a means nonage elld vastugafu i^(a (I like all things).
Totalised cdcukted quantificates,
1. Selection; iva^lu (all these).
2. Order ; ondondu sthcfiaddlu (in each place).
Space ; jamina^tu (the whole land).
Time; trngalu purti (the whole month).
3. Condition ; elld sthiti,
4. Purpose ; samagravdgi,
5. Cause; kdraajagaligelld (to all causes).
6. Requirement; bekdda guj!iagdigdld (to all the characteristics required).
7. Quality; ati kappu (very black).
8. Value; apufa, appata (pure).
9. Existent ; naragatdelld (in all nerves).
10. Occurrent; ritiganusdravdgi (according to the method laid down).
Theoretically every quantificate may become a specialised quantifier.
286
C. R. SANKARAN AND M. G. VENKETESIAH
Positive.
Negative.
1
j Partial.
1 Negated Unitiser.
Totalised Nega-
tive.
jffnarella |
jamrella-alla
kelavu jam
obbondla
paiki obbanaUa
ydvanu dla
paiki yavanu dla
No word for
‘ none
paiki yarn dla
yarn dla
yarn dla
adeUa
adella^la
konca!^ svalpa
ondondu
koncavu dla
svalpavu dla
ydva svdpavu
aUa
mejella
mejdla-dUa
mejina konca
bhaga
mejina konca
bhdga-alla
mejina ydva bhd-
gavu dla
pratiyobba
1
fjraiiyohba-Ma \
1
\ydrd obba
ydvanobba
\hailmm
'^ydro kelavam
obhami dla
ohhandvanu dla
yavanu alia
yarn alia
Qvaribbaru
avmibharu-alla
avaribbaralh-
bhmu
avaribbardlo-
bbaru dla
avaribbaralli yard
alia
•k
ydvdgalu
ydvdgidu-dlla
dgdga
ondonduvele^
ydvdgdudla
ydvakdladdludla
ydvdgalu ilia
yavakdlakku-Ula
saka^tu
sdka$tilUi
1
svaljm
sdkasjilla
mti ilia
1
sdlada.
Note : — (1) There is no single word for ‘none'.
(2) Konca — one woid for ‘some of it’.
(3) The use of andondu and agdga as partial negatives.
MukkiktpSkt literally means three-fourths ; in usage it also means * almost all ’*all
V. S. SUKTHANKAR MEMORIAL VOLUME
OF THE BULLETIN
The sudden and tragic demise on 21st January, 1943 of Dr. V. S.
SUKTHANKAK has removed a figure of international repute from the w(Hrtd
of sdKdars. The loss is almost irreparaUe and particularly so to India as
it was the Critical edition of the Mahahharata on whidi hei was engaged for
the last 17 years and which he had made his life-work whidi helped to put
India oa the map of the scholarly world. He was omnected in erne capacity or
another with several learned Societies and Academies in Eur<^, America and
India (he was incidentally the secemd Indian to be elected Honorary Member
by the American Oriental Society) but with the Deccan College Post-gradu-
ate and Research Institute he was closely connected in more capacities than
one, as Member of the Reorganization Committee, Member of the first Coun-
cil of Mianaganent and the Committee of Direction.
The staff of this Institute have, therefore, decided to pay their ItUlrible
tribute to the memory of the departed savant by bringing out the filth volume
of its Bulletin as a Memorial Volume in his honour on the first anniversary of
his death — a volume which in the fitness ol things is devoted mainly to Maha-
Uikrata studies. The staff and the students as well as Members of the Council
of Management of the Institute, have offered tlieir oo-t^ieration by contributing
artides on themes connected with the Great Epic of India. The printing of
the Volume will commence sometime in Octdier, 1943, so that the Volume
may be ready for puWication on the 2l8t January, 1944, the first anniversary
of Dr. SuKTHANKAR’s death.
THE ‘SPOKEN WORD’ IN SANSKRIT LITERATURE
by
V. M. Apte
§ 1. The Story of the discovery of Sanskrit Literature to
Europe towards the closing decades of the ISth century has all the
ingredients of a first class 20th century thriller ! The mere accident
of the ‘ Ezour-Vedam ’ so enthusiastically welcomed by Voltaire,
turning out later to be a forgery, brought on a reaction which led a
philosopher like Dugald STEWART and a Dublin Professor to advance
in all seriousness the proposition that not only Sanskrit literature
but also the Sanskrit language was pure fiction ! But truth is some-
times stranger than fiction and when once the truth dawned on the
scholarly circles in Europe and America, the study of Sanskrit
literatnre (especially Vedic ) was taken up and is still being carried
on by them with an energy and enthusiasm which may be equalled
but, with difficulty surpassed even in the land of its birth.
§ 2. Among the distinctive characteristics of ancient Indian
literature, the one that intrigued these scholars most, was the manner
of its transmission, because Vedic literature which belongs to the very
oldest period of Indian literary history was originally nothing but a
• •
series of orally transmitted texts \ As early as 1882, Max MULLER
observed,' ‘ This may sound startling, but what will sound still
more startling and yet is a fact that can easily be ascertained by any-
body who doubts it — at the present moment, if every MS. of the R.g-
Veda were lost, we should be able to recover the whole of it from the
memory of the Srotriyas in India. These native students learn the
Veda by heart and they learn it from the mouth of their Guru, never
from a Ms., still less from my printed edition, — and after a time they
teach it again to their pupils. I have had such students in my room
at Oxford, who not only could repeat these hymns, but who repeated
them with the proper accents ( for the Vedic Sanskrit has accents
like Greek) nay who, when looking through my printed edition of the
^-Veda could point out a misprint without the slightest hesitation.
I can tell you more. There are hardly any various readings in our
Mss. of the ]^-Veda, but various schools in India have their own
readings of certain passages, and they hand down those readings with
* Jndia'-What can it teach «« t OolleoUd voi±«, XHI India, 808-9,
270
V. M. APTE
great care. So instead of collating Mss., as we do in Greek and
Latin, I have asked some friends of mine to collate those Vedic
students, who carry their own Rg-Veda in their memory, and to let
me have the various readings from these living authorities.’
§ 3, What is said here of the Rg-Veda is, of course, true of the
other Samhitas and the Brahmanas and Sutras of all the Vedas, in all
their Sakha variations and this gives us a rough idea of the formid-
able mass of literary material preserved and transmitted by word of
mouth. The various intricate devices employed to preserve all these
texts intact have ensured a faithfulness of oral tradition unsurpassed
in any other ancient literature of the world.
§ 4. Since thus, the history of Indian literature does not begin
with actual writings, western scholars naturally turned to the very
interesting problem as to when (the art of) writing came to be first
used in India either for commercial purposes or for the recording of
literary productions. This unfortunately led to much confusion of
thought because, absence of the evidence of such use was taken as
proof of the absence of the knowledge of writing in India and in this
connection the argumentum ex sikntio was used with devastating
effect ! Muller wrotc,^ ‘ If writing had been known to Panini
some of his grammatical terms would surely point to the graphical
appearance of words. I maintain that there is not a single word in
Panini’s terminology which presupposes the existence of writing '
(italics mine). Although this has been put down as one of the ex-
ploded theories of that great scholar, that same argument — the so-
called absence of any positive proof of the knowledge of writing in
Vedic literature — driven under-ground, has been playing tricks in a
more subtle manner with the judgment of some scholars. For example,
because the spoken and not the written word has been the foundation
of literary activity in India from the oldest times till lately, it has
been tacitly assumed that writing must have been introduced ( I ) at
some later date into India and numerous theories have been advanced
to explain how, when and whence the borrowing took place. Al-
though the most widely-known theory regarding the manner of this
borrowing is that of Dr. BUHLER^ who thinks that the origin of the
oldest Indian script — the Brahml — is to be traced to the oldest
North Semitic characters as found in Phoenician inscriptions, a
0 Ancient Sanskrit Literature, 507.
® Indisehe Palaeograpkie in ths ' Qrundriss ' 1.2, and On the origin of tk$
Indian firUhtna Alphab^, Strassbiirg, 1898.
THE * SPOKEN WORD ’ IN SANSKRIT LITERATURE 23^1
r6sum& of the various theories* will be useful, if only to show how
these theorists under the influence of the argumentum ex ^erOio,
could not see the absurdity of the proposition that the Vedic Aryans
who could speak* in terms of high numerals and in terms of minute
fractions were ignorant of the art of writing although it is universally
recognized that the knowledge of a highly developed . numerical
notation is inseparable from the knowledge of writing.
§ 5. (1) Prinsep followed by Otfried Muller and Senart
assert for the alphabet of the A^kan inscriptions, a
Greek parentage. The theory has collapsed as the
Brahmi lipi has now been proved to be of earlier origin
than the Asoka period.
(2) The theory of a Semitic origm was put forth as early as
1806 by Sir William JONES and has now a wide yo^ue
among Indian palseographists. Whereas, however,
Deecke,* Wickram singhe’ and Isaac TAYLOR derive
the Indian alphabet from that of the Southern Smites
in South Arabia, WEBER {ZDMG 10-389 ff.), Buhler
and Cust* maintain that it originated from the alphabet
of the Northern Semites, the Phoenician alphabet. It is
interesting in this connection to note that the theory of
a South Semitic origin was challenged by Buhler on
the ground that the resemblance of characters between
the Brahmi alphabet and the alphabet of the Southern
Semites was rather fanciful and involved the assumption
of fitful changes in the phonetic values of the signs— an
assumption unwarranted in the case of the Hindus who
were rather pedantic in this respect. And Buhler’s
theory of a North Semitic origin of the Brahmi alphabet
stands or falls according as the possibility is proved or
^ For a lucid statement and oritioal discussion of most of these theories, see
'The Alphabet* vol. 11, by Isaac Taylor, Dr. BuHLER'S exhaustive survey in
his 'Indian Studies* No. Ill, and the article entitled 'Origin of the Indian
alphabet * by Dr. D. R. Bhakdarkar in the Sir Akviosh Mooherj4sB Jubilee
Volume, 3*1. For the above re'sume', I have drawn principally upon these sources
among others.
B See the references to the RV., KS|haka, Talttiriya, VSjasaneyi and other
SaihhitSs and to the Satapatha and other BrShma^as, given hereafter.
« 31-589 ff.
JBA8 1895, 895-8 ; ibid. 1901, 302 ft
' ^ ' OriidR of the Indian Alphabet* JR AS, N. S. 16-325*59, and ibide 1897,
pp. 49-80.
not, of a direct intercourse between the Indians and the
Northern Semites who were responsible for the
epigraphic document of Mesa on the borders of
Palestine. But, as Rhys DAVIDS ( Buddhist India )
points out, such intercourse has not been historically
established in the 7th or 8th century, B. C.
(3) An indigenous origin for the Indian alphabet was first
suggested by LASSEN.’ Edward THOMAS^® following in
his wake, thought it to be a Dravidian invention. Sir
A. Cunningham contends that it is to be traced to
a primitive type of Indian picture-writing and he was
followed by DOWSON.'^
S 6. The whole question will have to be re-examined now in
the light of the markings on pottery dug out of the prehistoric cairns
excavated in 1917 in the Nizam's dominions — markings which are
not ownershipmarks but alphabetical signs, bearing, several of
them, a close resemblance to some characters of the Brahmi alphabet .
This Hyderabad pottery has affinities with Megalithic structures
which cannot be later than 1500 B. c. and the prehistoric pottery
exhibited in the Madras Museum on which similar markings had
been noticed belongs to the Neolithic age which cannot be later
than 3000 B. C. The writing ( in some as yet undcciphered script )
on the seals found at Mohenjodaro and Harappa must also come
into the picture. Although, it must be conceded, these
discoveries came later, it is surprising that not many
scholars should have even suspected that the Brahmi alphabet
— nay, all alphabets — could well be a prehistoric invention!
The contention of the writer is that the following general
consideration alone should have brought home to these theorists
the absurdity of their position. What I mean is that they pay a left-
handed compliment to the genius of the ancient Indian, when they
credit it with such a lopsided development as to render it capable
on the one hand, of producing a literature of the subtlety, magnitude
and refinement of the RgVeda-a literary activity spread over a whole
age— and on the other hand, of remaining absolutely innocent for
^ Indische Alterthum,%kunde, 1, 1009.
Edition of Mr. James PnmSEP’S Essays, 2-48 (1858).
Corpus inacriptionum indicarum, 54 (1877).
JRA8 18402 (1881)
The credit of this discovery goes to Mr. G. Yazdani, Superintendent,
Department of Archaeology, Hyderabad (Dn.)
THE ‘ SPOKEN WORD ' IN SANSKRIT LITERATURE ^
centuries, of even the invention of an indigenous alphabet which
( modem research has now established ) may originate, not merely
from hieroglyphics ( though Rg-Vedic Society was advanced enough
even for this stage ) but also from such symbols and hprizontal or
vertical Unes as primitive man is expected to use for the expression
of his thoughts ! Dr. WiNTERNiTZ*^ makes the bold statement,
‘ And the chief reason for the fact that wiitiiitg was for so long not
used for literary put poses is probably to be found in the fact that
the Indians only became acquainted with the art writing at a period
when they had already since a long time possessed a rich literature
that was only orally transmitted. * No parallel instance in the
history of any people in any part of the world is adduced, where we
can witness the production of a literature of the subtlety and polish
of the RgVeda without any acquaintance with the art of writing, in
the long course of their development from the primitive stage to that
stage of civilization and culture which is reflected in the literature of
the Rg-Veda ! Though this is not the occasion to go into the whole
question, I must draw attention to a few facts which should consti-
tute adequate evidence of an acquaintance with the art of writing in
all periods of the Vedic age— early or late.
§ 7. This evidence is of two kinds. As Dr. D. R. BhandARKAR
observes.!® ‘ Two of the principal features of writing are : (1) nume-
rical notation and (2) alphabet. ’ We will, however, cite here
only such passages from Vedic literature as betray the knowledge on
the part of Vedic Indians of numerical symbols or rather numeration
of such an advanced character as to imply this knowledge of ^ nu-
merical figures because that will be enough proof of our proposition
that Vedic Indians ( may even the Rg-Vedic Aryans ) were acquain-
ted with the art of writing.
§ 8. The Rg-Veda uses the word ‘ ayuta [ IV. 26. 7 ; VII. 1, 5;
2, 41 ; 21, 18; 3^ 15; 46, 22 ] in the specialized sense of 10,000. Why
any scholar!® should consider that it has a vague sense passes com-
prehension, when it is noted that on the one hand it occurs in seve-
ral of these passages by the side of sohnsfu ( 1000 ) and soUi ( 100 )
and on the other, the RV. has the phrases satani sahasrani (TV. 29,4)
and iata sahasrani [ II. 1, 8 : IV. 30, 15 : 32, 18 ; VI. 63, 10. VII.
32, 5 ; VIII. 32, i8 ; 45, 12 ] denoting the next higher figure, ten
forming the basis of the numerical system of the Vedic Indians. In
History of Itidian Literature ( ^English TrAXislatioii ) 1*36, ( 1936).
1 B ‘ Origin of the Indian Alphabet’. 497. ( See Fn. 4 above ).
Zimmer, Altindisches Lehen, 348.
274
V. M. APTE
fact, THIBAUT has remarked that whereas 1000 was the highest
limit of the knowledge of numerals possessed by the Aryans gene-
rally, the Vedic Aryans have a long series of names for very high
numerals at a very early period. As for the fractions, the RV . has
ardha = J ( VI. 30, 1, etc. ), pdda=l ( a sense derived from that of
the ‘ foot ’ of a quadruped ), tripdd = J ( X. 90. 4 ), sapha — a
sense suggested by ‘ the divided hoof or foot ’ which is the original
meaning of the word and = In RV. VI. 69. 8 “**, Indra
and Visiju are said to have split up 1000 into three parts.
§ 9. Turning to the other Samhitas, we find that the Taittiriya
Samhita ( IV. 4, 11, 4; VII. 2, 20. 1 ) and the Vajasaneyi Samhita
( XVII. 2, cf. also xxii. 34 ) have the following list : 1, 10, 100,
1000 , 10000 ( ayuta ); then follow in a regular ascending order
niyttla, prayuta, arbuda, nyarbuda, samudra, madhya, anta and pardr-
dha, the lastnamed going up to 1,000,000,000. The Maitrayani (ii. 8 ,
14 ) and Kafhaka ( xvii, 10 ) Samhitas have almost identical lists
with the change that prayuta instead of niyuta comes next to ayuta.
The latter Samhita in another place ( xxxix. 6 ) inserts an additional
new figure badva after nyarbuda, thus raising parardha to
10,000,000,000, ( Compare AV. viii. 2 , 21; 8, 7; x. 8, 24 ). As for
fractions, the AV. ( vi. 96, 3; xix. 57, 1 ) and TS. ( vi. 1 , 10 ) mention
kata, the latter Samhita ( ii. 5, 1, 4 ; v. 2, 6 , 2 ) mentioning trtiya
in the sense of 1 / 3 . The Maitrayani Samhita ( iii. 7, 7 ) mentions
kata { V 16 ). kustha ( V12 ). sapha (Vg) and pad ( V* ).
§ 10. Very nearly the same lists of high numerals whh varia-
tions here and there^ are met with in the Brahmanas, Aranyakas
and ^irautasutras ( Satapatha Br. IX. 1, 2, 16 ; Paheavim^a Br. vii.
14, 2 ; xiv. 13, 6 ; xxi. 18, 3, etc. ; Jaiminiya Upanisad Br. 1, 10, 28,
Aitareya Br. vii. 21, 23; Aitareya Aranyaka, v. 3, 2; Sahkhayana
Srauta Sutra xv. 11, 7 ).
§ 11. In a passage in the Pancavim^ Br. ( xviii. 3), with which
may be compared similar passages in the La^yayana ( vii. 10, 1 etc. )
and Katyayana ( xxii. 9, 1 — 6 ) Srauta Sutras, we come across a kind
of arithmetical progression in connection with the enumeration of
sacrificial gifts ( hiranyam ) in a certain order, so that each successive
figure is double of each preceding one, the gifts being generally
articles of personal property such as kine, horses, buffaloes, camels
or ornaments etc., but rarely land, a cow being the daksim in the
Astronomie, Astrologie und Mathematik, 70.
Compare VIII. 47*17 ab, • As we recover the whole debt, even the |th and
iVth part thereof. '
THE ‘ SPOKEN WORD ’ IN SANSKRIT LITERATURE
275
absense of any specification. The progression begins with 12, 24, 48
and goes on to 393, 216. In the Satapatha Br. ( xii. 3, 2, 1 ), minute
subdivisions of time are mentioned. A mufwrta is l/15th of a day
and each successive time sab-division in the series : ksipra, etarhi,
iddn< and pram is l/15th of the preceding. A similar table of time
sub-divisions is found in the Taittiriya Br. (iii. 10, 1, 1). The S&kha-
yana Srauta SQtra XIV. 75 ( cf. ^ahkhayana Aranyaka, vii. 20 ) gives
a table wherein from muhurta onwards, each successive time-sub-
division in the series : muhurta, nimesa, dhvamsi, is 1/lOth of the
preceding. We have here a rudimentary decimal system. As for frac-
tions, Taittiriya Br. ( i. 1, 6, 1 ; 1, 2 ) and Satapatha Br. ( iii. 8, 4, 4,
etc. ) mention trtlya in the sense of 1/3 and the Aitareya ( vi. 15 )
and Satapatha ( iii. 3, 1, 13 ) Brahmanas repeat the RV.^ verse which
tells us that Indra and Visnu divide lOCO by 3. The Satapatha Br.
( iii. 3, 3, 1 ; xii. 8, 3, 13 ) mentions Kald 1/16.
§ 12. Inspite of this evidence, some scholars entertain doubts as
to whether the Vedic Indians had any knowledge of numerical figures
or signs. The authors of the Vedic Index of names and subjects
declare!’, ‘ There is no clear evidence that the Indians of the Vedic
period had any knowledge of numerical figures, though it is perfectly
possible ' ( italics mine ). It is fortunate that they keep an open
mind and concede at least the possibility. If astakarm in RV . X 62. 7
rTfPans ( as the Writer believes ) ‘ having the figure 8 marked on the
ears, ’ then the knowledge of numerical figures on the part of the
Vedic Aryans would be definitely established 2 ® but the view» that
asta is a past participle is entitled to a respectful hearing and so the
point cannot be pressed. Nor need we press the evidence of the tell-
tale word ofesara occurring in all periods of Vedic literature, from
that of the Rgveda downwards. A letter or syllable when scratched
or engraved became aksata, that is, indelible or imperishable.
BUHLER takes the occurrence of this word in the Pali canon as
evidence of the knowledge of writing.
§ 13. For further evidence of the knowledge of writing on the
part of the Vedic Indians on the ground of their knowledge of the
two principal features of writing viz. numerical notation and alpha-
bet and other views on the age of the art of writing Jn India may be
consulted the writings of Shyamaji KRiSHNAVARMAa, r. b. Bishnu
« 1-344.
3 0 xbe point U disoussed by D. B. Bhanoabkab in bia above-mentioned paper
‘ Origin of tbe Indian Alphabet ', 497-8.
at MaCDONEIL, Vedie Orammar, 309 n.
as ‘The use of writing in ancient India, * Congres das Orientalislea VL Leyden
(1883). 305 fl.
'^76 V. M. APTE
SVARUP*®, Barth“, a. C, Das® and others listed in Louis Renou’s
BibUoiraphie Vedique, 304-6. Writings not included in this list but
well worth a perusal are those by Ramprasad CHANDA®, R. C.
MAJUMDAR2® and Isaac TAYLOR®.
§ 14. How then to reconcile the knowledge of writing with the
complete ignoring of it, in the transmission of their vast sacred lite-
rature by the ancient Indians ? Various explanations of this apparent
puzzle have been attempted and it will be worth while examining a
few of them briefly here, as the correct explanation alone will un-
ravel the supposed mystery and clear away the confusion of thought
responsible for an insistence on the irreconcilability of the two
propositions in all times and climes !
(a) Want of suitable writing material or the prohibitive
cost of it : This may be true of certain localities in
later times but cannot explain the preference for the
‘ spoken word ’ as the foundation of all literature in
the most ancient period because the slopes of the
Himalayas are covered with extensive birch-forests and
birch-bark was one of the two most ancient materials
used for writing.
(b) ‘ It was to the interest of the priests who were the
bearers of the oldest literature that the sacred texts
which they taught in their schools should not be com-
mitted to writing.’® It has been a fashion with certain
Indologists to make scapegoats of the Indian priests and
to heap unmerited abuse on their devoted heads when
they fail to explain certain ( to them ) strange pheno-
mena in the literary or social history of India. The
fact, however, that this so-called priestly monopoly was
going strong even long after the commitment to writing
of nearly the whole of Vedic literature, is enough re-
futation of this hypothesis.
• The antiquity of writing in India,' JBORS VIII ( 1922) 1-46 j 2-99;
IX ( 1923) 347.
Oeuvres II. 317 ff.
* The Art of writing in ancient India, ’ Journal of the Department of Letters,
X. 173 ff.
«« JBORS IX 262-5.
O' Ibid. 419-20.
»» ‘The Alphabet’, Vol. II.
09 WlNXERHITZ, HILl-35.
THE ‘ SPOKEN WORD ’ 11^ SANSKRIT LITERATURE 277
§ 15. The proper explanation to my mind is
( i ) Firstly, that the system of oral transmission with its
elaborate and almost fool-proof devices for the avoid-
ance of even the slightest error in pronunciation,
guaranteed more faithful preservation of the sacred
texts than the copying and re-copying of Mss.
( ii ) Secondly, since the ‘ spoken word ’ was the earliest
vehicle for the transmission of their sacred literature,
the conservative instincts of the ancient Indians should
constitute adequate explunatior, of their natural reluct-
ance ( bordering almost on abhorrence ) to give that
honour to the comparatively new-fangled art of writing.
(iii) But the most potent ( and in my opinion, the chief )
reason was the implicit faith of the ancient Indian in the
unlimited-almost divine-power of Vac or the 'spoken word'.
Vac is the ‘ queen of the gods,’ a ‘ divine creation.’
RV. X. 125 is a hymn to Vac ( or personified speech )
where she describes herself as the companion or the
supporter of the gods and as encompassing all beings.
This unique position, she continues to hold, not only in
the Brahmanas and Vedahgas*® but also in the whole of
the post-Vedic or Classical Sanskrit literature. Now
Sabda or Word originally, was nothing, if not ‘Sound’.**
The whole theory of sphota postulated and developed
by the grammarians old and young, — grammarians who
lived in an age when even the greatest sceptic will
admit, writing was undoubtedly known — becomes a
meaningless hypothesis if, in the philosophy of language
of the ancients, Sabda or word was anything but an
‘ utterance.’ The problem before the grammarian: was,
as to how the meaning of a word was conveyed. It is
surely conveyed by the word as a whole ( they reason-
ed ) and not by its individual parts because the sound-
symbols, a particular combination of which makes up a
word — do not by themselves individually possess any
significance apart from the word of which they are com-
ponent parts. Now, as these sound-symbols cannot be
simultaneously uttered and as they disappear as soon as
uttered, no combination of them is possible ! The solu-
tion of the grammarians was that it was through sphota
Naighofjftuka v. 5
MahabhS^ya 1. 1-1.
278
V. M. APTE
suggested by ‘ sound ’ ( dhvam ) that the meaning was
conveyed by a word. This whole theory becomes ab-
surd if a word were conceived as anything but a parti-
cular combination of sounds, or if the ‘ written word ’
were looked upon as respectable enough to insinuate
itself into the ancients’ philosophy of the meaning of
meaning. Pratiava ( the combination of the three sound-
particles a,u,m') which represents the mystic aspect of
Vac has held such a unique place in the religious life and
thought of India from the most ancient times, that the
repeated utterance of it is supposed to be a means of
self-realisation by concentrated minds.
#
S 16. In the history of Vedic and post-Vedic magic in India
again, the ‘ spoken word ’ by itself is credited with a magical effect
in the form of a spell, a curse or an oath, although the utterance of
magical formulae is generally accompanied by some ritual act. An
indirect but none the less convincing evidence of the value attached
to the spoken character of a ‘ word,’ is also forthcoming from the fact
that the Samaveda ( the sung or chanted Veda ), which really is
nothing but the Rgveda set to music, and naturally^ holds a secondary
rank to that Veda and could be raised even by its adherents to a
position of equality but never one of superiority to that of the Rg-
Veda, steals a march at times over the latter in the Brahmanas and
the Great Epic ! The statement in the Gita ( X 22« ), ‘ I am
the Samaveda among the Vedas,’ is an instance in point. The
proper explanation of this ( to my mind ) is that since sound
was the essence of Vac (or literature), the Samaveda ( pan passu )
could score over the Rg-Veda by the elaboration and charm of
its sound-values ! No more facts need be cited to prove the
all-powerful position that the spoken word has held in the religious
life and literature of the ancient Indian, by the side of which, the
written word paled into almost contemptible insignificance. This,
indeed, is a peculiar characteristic of the genius of India because
in the West, the written word did not take long to eclipse the spoken
word in religious or secular life and literature. And this is precisely
the cause of the misunderstanding which leads some Indologists to
talk glibly of the Indians’ late acquaintance ( ! ) with the art of writ-
ing or the introduction of writing at a late stage in the literary his-
tory of India !
§ 17. The writer, therefore, advances the contention that even
in these days, when every syllable in available Vedic literature is
assured of immortality by being preserved in the written or printed
form, it will be difficult for any one — even a scholar of the very
THE ‘ SPOKEN WORD ’ IN SANSKRIT LITERATURE
27 ^
highest attainments — to enter into the true spirit of our sacred
Vedic literature without an acquaintance with the traditional modes
of Vedic recitation or the orthodox methods of orally transmitting
the various Vedic texts. ^As the number of irotriyas — those living
libraries to whom Max MULLER paid such an eloquent tribute*^ — is
fast dwindling, there is a danger that after some time, it' will be im>
possible to cultivate such acquaintance. ‘ If to-day all the manu-
scripts and prints were to be lost that would by no means cause the
disappearance of Indian literature from the face of the earth, for a
great portion of it could be recalled out of the memory of the scho>
lars and reciters.’ Thus wrote Dr. Winternitz^® in 1926. The * to-
day ’ of the quotation threatens to become very soon a ‘ yesterday.’
If the (^ing embers of what was once a blazing fire of oral tradition
are to be revived into a flame, the proper remedy would be the
establishment of a central Vedic school which by means of scholar-
ships, endowments and other emoluments — modern forms of the
ancient daksina — should attract from all parts of India those living
Vedic libraries — the Vaidikas, belonging to the various iakhds of
each of the four Vedas and which through its system of oral instruc-
tion should maintain an unbroken continuity of the old methods of
Vedic recitation, embracing on the one hand not only the Samhitas,
Brahmanas and Vedahgas but also the gatlia tiardsamsth, itihdsa and
purdna, mentioned by Aivalayana^* in connection with one of the five
daily sacrifices : the hrahma-yajna and on the other, all varieties of
pathos of one and the same Veda, such as the Samhitd-, pada-, krama-,
jatd-and ghana-pdthas.. The task is stupendous but should not be
difficult of achievement, if the Central Government, the enlightened
chiefs and other generous patrons of Vedic learning combine to
institute such a model Vedic School of oral instruction. Until such
hope is realised, something must be done to preserve at least repre-
sentative specimens of each of the various orthodox modes of Vedic
recitation for the use of students of Vedic literature and it behoves
Vedic scholars attached to various Research Institutes, particularly
those in India, to step into the breach by making sound-and film-re-
cords of these modes, before it becomes too late, because Indian scholars
have easier access to the exponents of Vedic oral tradition. It is already
becoming more and more difficult every year for any single scholar
to trace adherents of all the Bkhds of the four Vedas, confined ai;
they are to particular localities in different parts of India. Their
numbers are fast dwindling for want of encouragement or financial
See quotation in paragraph 2 above.
*3 HIL ( English Translation ) 34.
Zhdlayana GrkyaSUtra^ IIL 3*1*
V. M. AFTE
help, either from the state or from the public. It was partly this
difficulty — all the greater for Western scholars — and partly a lack
of faith in the surviving srotriyas of India, that led to some prema-
turely pessimistic and inaccurate statements on the subject. Dr.
Arnold A. Bake hits the nail on the head when he says*®, “ There
is a great drawback to all the theoretical treatises mentioned so far,
namely that none of the scholars had had the opportunity of study-
ing the matter in India, except BURNELL, of course .... Naturally
that fact influenced the nature of their studies, and led to statements
that would not have been made had the writers had the opportunity
of intimate contact with the subject in the land of its birth. If, for
instance. Dr. J.M. Van derHoOGT whose publication The Vedic chant
in its textual and melodic form’ must be definitely counted amongst
the group of publications mentioned so far had been in India, he
would never have written a sentence like the following “ Though
Samavedic science and Pundit traditions on that subject are extinct
in India" ... Samaveda and its science are still practised in India, and
not until that which is living in nooks and corners has been carefully
checked in all its divisions, a statement like the above can have any
justification. Why is it necessary to suppose before-hand that the
practice of a certain Brahmin in Kumbakonam — who has been taught
by his father, who in his turn had been taught the tradition of
singing Samans by his father and so on for thirty generations, which
takes us back about a thousand years, a time when, certainly in S.
India, Samaveda was not extinct by any means — why is it necessary
to presume that the tradition of such a man is not sound until one
has proved that it is false when compared with the text-books he
professes to follow.” At the instance of the writer, a Professor of
Sanskrit Literature at the Deccan College Postgraduate and Research
Institute, the latter Institute has taken a step in this direction by
making Gramaphonc records of six typical samaganas as sung by
an adherent of the Ranayaniya ^akhi of the Samaveda. The first
choice has fallen on the Samaveda because that Veda holds a unique
position in Vedic literature. If sound-recording is essential for pre-
serving the various modes of reciting the RgVeda and other Vedas,
Brahmanas and Vedahgas, it is absolutely and vitally necessary in the
case of the Samaveda because the latter Samhita is valuable not so
much for its literary material, borrowed almost wholly as it is from
the RgVeda, as for the light it throws on the history of Indian
sacrifice, magic and above all Indian music, for the history of which,
the study of the Samaganas is simply indispensable.
«» ‘The Practice of SSma Veda ’,143-4, a paper contributed to the Sanskrit-
Vedic Section of the 7th All-India Oriental Oonferenoe, 1933.
SbME PROBLEMS REGARDING SAMAGANA THAT AWAIT
INVESTIGATION : A STATEMENT
By
V. M. Apte
§ 1. The previous article entitled t!ie ‘Spoken Word in
Sanskrit Literature’ aims at establishing the utility of recording
phonographically the ancient modes of Vedic recitations, especially
the mode of Sama-singing, not merely on the ground of indulging
the antiquarian’s interest in the preservation to posterity of a vocal
tradition that must become obsolete in the days of printed editions
but also on the ground of the irresistible plea that a study of these
modes should become a vital part of the equipment of any Vedic
scholar who wishes to enter into the true spirit of Vedic literature.
In the present article, it is proposed to make a statement of some
of the problems concerning Samagana that await investigation. In
this statement, the writer will certainly indicate his preference
with reasons for that view of the problem which appeals to him
most, but his own findings — the results of a patient investigation of
the materials available and to be made available by the InstittUe's
programme of 'Sound-recording of Vedic Recitations' must necessa-
rily await the completion of this programme. Besides, such a
statement is a necessary preliminary to the account of the Sama-
gana records made by the Deccan College Postgraduate and
Research Institute, which follows this article.
§ 2. The six Samagana records made by the Institute, demons-
trate the practical side of the ganas— the riipantara form’ of the
melodies as recited by the Vaidikas individually but not necessarily
in every case, the mode of chanting the Samans at the actual perfor-
mance of the sacrifices or its svarupa form. In very early times, the
function of the udgdtr though differentiated from that of the
hotr and the adhvaryu was not probably a specialized one but when
gradually the institution of the Sacrifice developed the most intricate
^ This distinction of form— the svarUpa and the HtpSatara— has been drawn
attention to, by SIMON in bis introduction to the Paflnavidha sUtra ( p* 2 ), by Dr.
Bake in *The Practice of S^maveda*, contributed to the 7th All India Oriental
Conference, and by Mr. MlTLAY in his Bharatiya Saihgita, Pt. I, 30 ( a work in
MarSthi on the history of Indian Music ), Bombay 1940.
^ V. M. APTE
and elaborate ritual and when a bewildering variety of sacrifices of
short and long duration became the order of the day, the singing of
the Samans and the Stotras which required a certain proficiency in
music could be entrusted only to a class of specialists, from among
whom the selection of the udgatr or his assistants could be made.
These specialists would naturally sing the Samans, outside the
sacrifice by way of rehearsals and practice, in the beginning
(probably to the accompaniment of the Venu), but later on, as the
number of these specialists— the Samasingers— increased, the
individual chanting of the Samans, which, in any case, was inevitable
in the process of the oral transmission of the melodies from teacher
to pupil even in the earliest of times, must have become fairly
common. This paved the way for the origin of the later song*books
or Ginas because the two parts of the SamaVeda Samhita give us
the bare texts as they are recited. The Gana texts give the
melodies as they are learnt by the students individually and are
concerned not with the way in which the verse>parts are divided
over the different priests who among them share the five divisions
of the chant in a sacrificial performance but rather with the musical
notation of the melodies and the resulting rupantara or changed
form of the Saman-texts, effected by means of extensions, repetitions
and interpolations of syllables and even of whole words — in other
words, a form of the text adapted for singing. Naturally, the
svarSpa form is of greater importance. This will be clear from a
brief description of the arrangement of the Samaveda Samhita. To
the 585 single stanzas (rc) of the first part of the Samhita— the
PURVA Arcika — are assigned the Samans or melodies used at
the sacrifice, the former ( rc ) being the yonis out of which the
latter have originated. The relation between the Saman or melody
and the stanza is rather interesting. The melody arises from and is
sung upon a particular stanza. One stanza could be sung to more
than one melody and one and the same melody could be sung upon
more than one stanza. Although thus, the number of Samans
admits of being indefinitely increased, the 585 single stanzas of the
Arcika are to be sung to only about double the number of melodies,
certain definite melodies being restricted to certain definite stanzas
only. The Uttarareika or the 2nd part is made up of the 400 chants
from out of which are fashioned the stotras ( groups of a varying
number of stanzas from 1 to 12 each, which are all sung to the
same tune) or the songs of the Udgatr and his assistant priests
which arc chanted in the ( technical and ) typical forms called
'stomas', A large majority ( 287 out of 400 ) of these, however,
consist of 3 verses each. The names are appropriate, the Uttara
SOME PROBLEMS «RE. SAMAGANA
283
( posterior or appcndatory ) ardka consisting of verses, which are
to be appended to the corresponding single stanzas of the Purva
( anterior, prior or antecedent ) ardka. Whereas considerations
of metre and deity determine the arrangement of stanzas in the
Purvardka, the order of the principal sacrifices is the principle
governing the arrangement of chants in the Uttarirdka. _The
U dg^r and his assistants first learn the melodies from the Ardka
and then the stotras from the Uttardrdka.
§ 3. How the Udgatr and his assistants share in a sacrifice the
divisions ( usually five ) of a chant among themselves may now be
described briefly :
( i ) Prastava ( or introductory ascription of praise* )
preceded by the syllable him, sung by the prastotr ;
( ii ) Udgitha, preceded by om, sung by the Udgatr ;
( iii) Pratihdra ( the ‘joining in’ ) preceded by hum sung by
the pratihartr who joins in, at the last syllable of the
udgitha ;
( iv ) Upadrava, ( the recession ) sung by the Udgatr. This
is, in reality, a subdivision of the pratihdra formed
out of the last few syllables of the pratihdra and as
such, is not recognised as an independent division
by certain authorities such as the Taijdya Br. (IV, 9. 9)
and Ch^dogya Up. (II. 2, 1), which make up the
five divisions by adding himkdra which stands first
in their list ;
( V ) Tiidhana (the coda), consisting of one or at the most,
two syllables, sung by all the three priests.
This five-fold division is turned into a seven-fold* one by
prefixing himkdra in the beginning and following up the nid'tana
by the Omkdra — as is sometimes done. It may be of some interest
to note here that the Chandogya Up, connects these seven divisions
with the seven divisions of the day, such as usahkdla, udayakdla,
samgavakdla, mddhyahna, apard, etc. Dr. BAKE* correctly describes
the importance, the difficulty and therefore the urgency of recording
this svarupa form of the Samavedic chants, when he says, ‘It stand.s
to reason that in the study of the Samavedic chant, this so-called
svarupa form is of the greatest importance. This form presents
® See The Music of Hindostan by A. H. Fox StbakqwayS (Oxford 19U),
PP. 25^4.
» Paflcavidha-SiUra, I, 7.
1 ‘ Xhe Fraotioe of SSmaveds *, loo. cit. 149-50.
284
V. M. APTE
almost insurmountable difficulties, however, on account of the
rarity of the offer-ceremonies, with which it is inseparably connec-
ted. 1 have, however, been assured by two Samavedins, connected
with the Srirahgam temple at Trichinopoly that Vedic sacrifices of
the kind that necessitate the use of Samaveda, are being performed
even to-day. This form of Samaveda then, is not yet quite extinct.
This form or what is left of it ought to be properly recorded in
detail and as soon as possible ; for there is no doubt that our present
time is not in favour of the survival of these practices. The breaking
down of orthodoxy has many beneficial effects but it cannot be help-
ed that with the disappearance of much that is bad or has become
bad, things that are important vanish also and are lost for ever,
unless recorded before it is too late’. The writer can assure in-
terested scholars that the Deccan College Research Institute will
seize the first available opportunity to record this svarupa form of
the Samavedic chant on the rare occasion of the appropriate
sacrificial performance but till then, the work of recording the
ruparUara form or typical samaganas as sung in the three well-known
schools of the Samaveda-tbe Ranayaniyas, the Kauthumas and the
Jaiminiyas-must go on.
§ 4. There are four ‘Song-books’ or Ganas extant, two attached
to each division of the Samaveda Samhita. The Gramageya-gana
(to be sung in the grama or village) and Aranya-gana (forest-songs)
are song-books attached to the Purvareika. As W. CALAND^ puts
it, the latter consists of such melodies as could not be recited in
the grama owing to their dangerous character and had, therefore, to
be studied in the forest. Attached to the Uttarareika are two other
‘song-books’, the Uhagana and the Uhyagana, connected each, with
the Grama-geya-ind Aranya-ganas respectively. In these, the
Samans are given in the order of their employment at the ritual.
§ 5. All these song-books give a musical notation of the melo-
dies and the text appears in a revised form* suitable for singing the
“ Die Jaimimya Samhita, 10.
• A very clear exposition of how this revision is effected is given by Sahara
in his on Jaimini IX. 2-27 ff. See also the Jfianakoia (Marajhl) by
S. V. Ketxab, 5-174. I can indicate here only the names of the' devices
employed with an illustration of each : — (1) when ‘ agna ’ becomes ‘ OgnSyi
it is VikSra. (2) and (3) When * Vitaye ' becomes ‘ Voyitoya 2 yi \ viileia is
the name of the change of * vi ' to ‘ voyi * or of ‘ fa ' to ‘ toya ' and vikarfaifa '
is the prolongation of ‘ye’ into ‘ya Hyi' (4) When the revised form ‘ voyitoya
S yt ’ receives the addition of * toyU 2 yi ' by the repetition of a part thereof,
it is called ahhyUsa. (5) If, in the singing of ‘gryUno havya-dUtaye there
is a pause after 'ha', it is the mode called virnma'. In the Science of Poetics,
this would be accounted as a fault called yatihhahga (6) When 'tsi' in a re
is changed to tsS S yt the device is called stobha. There are other minor devices
also suoh as ' lopa *, ‘ agama ’, etc.
SOME PROBLEMS RE, SAMAGANA
285
melodies, indicating not only the prolongation or extension and
repetition of syllables but also the insertion of syllables like bm and
hum, of the anirukta-gana and of whole words or stohhas, such as
hoyi, huva, hoi etc. The oldest notation is probably that by means
of letters such as ta, ca, na etc. Burnell’' points out the -difficulties
jn this connection, ‘The notation varies exceedingly, according as
the Mss. come from different parts of India and it is not too much
to say that it would be almost impossible to find two Mss., which
precisely agree. Mss. of the Ganas are only copied by professional
Samaveda priests for their own use and present no kind of interest
to the public ; every copyist, therefore, follows a different plan in
details for almost every one adds marks and signs of his own to assist
him in chanting the notes. In the Soutl’ Indian Mss. the notation
becomes exceedingly complicated, for the letters amount to several
hundreds. The principle of the modern notation by numbers is far
more simple. The seven notes are marked by the numerals:
1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6 and the last ( really never used ) by 7’, '
§ 6. The names of the seven notes are variously given, which
means that the names of the individual notes are not the same in all
lists, the oldest of which is that in the Samavidhana Brahmana
(1. 1, 8) : — krusta, prathama, dvitiya, trtiya, caturtha, paheama and
antya ( or sastha ). In later works, such as the svaraparibhasa,
Sayanas commentary on the Arseya Brahmana and the T^aradiya-
siksd (I. 12), the list begins with prathama, the last-named work
placing mandra, fifth in the list followed by krusta and atisvdrya. In
South India, the 5th, 6th and 7th notes are named as mandra,
anusvdra and atisvdrya respectively. In the Sama-tantra ( I. 1. 1 )
the first five svaras are named gi,ji, di, di, bi, the antya not being
mentioned.
§ 7. It is hardly any wonder then, that there should be a
difference of opinion, nay, even a confusion of thought, regarding
the status of krusta. The svaras are variously named and krusta
is one of the names ! As seen above, krusta is placed before
prathama by many authorities and is, presumably in their opinion
the highest note, different from and higher than prathama. Burnell^
is right when he points out that when Sayatja, in his commentary
on the Arseya-Brahmana (1. 16, 17) mentions krusta repeatedly, he
means the prathama, since the Saman he refers to has the first note
marked in the corresponding places. But, in the opinion of the
present writer, he goes too far when he proposes to read ‘ krs^ ’
* Introduction to The Jaimimj/a text of the BrSftmano, Mangalore, 1876,
* op. oit.
3
286
V. M. APTE
(=s that to wMch karsam has been applied) for ‘ kru^ ' and afBrms
that krttsta is the first note and that it is generally called prathama.
There was nothing to prevent professional Samaveda priests who
were the only copyists of the gams, to have their own plan of nota-
tion wherein the note named krusta is different from the note named
prathama. Besides, it is not always certain that the order of the
names is the melodic order. If we refer to the list of authorities
for the Saman scale with their individual order of notes tabulated
opposite them, as given on pages 258-9 of that remarkable work
‘ The Music of Hindostan ’ by A. H. Fox StrangwaYS, we find
that in the order of No, III, IV, V, VII, IX and X, krusta ( the
variant krsta occurring in No. Ill ), is above prathama and not iden-
tical with it. According to Burnell, mandra is the most usual name
for the fifth note but the writer thinks that this is a misunder-
standing occasioned by the fact that it is called pancama, in contin-
uation of the ordimls in the Samavidhana Br. and that Fox Strang-
ways^ is tight when he says that it is the usual name for the sixth
note. As the account in the Brhad-dcvata (VIII 113) shows, it was
on a different footing from the five notes : krusta (head), prathama
(palate), dvitiya (brow ), trtiya (ear), caturtha (nose) which
are all head-notes as distinguished from mandra — a. chest-note. In
the opinion of the writer, the actual melodic order is all that matters
and not the order of the mmes because we can only compare the
different scales on the assumption ( not always valid ) that each
of the words, krusta, prathama, etc. names the same note wherever
it occurs ! Fox Strangways*® makes a brilliant suggestion when
he says that it is at least possible that prathama, dvitiya, trtiya
caturtha and mandra are the ordinary notes of the scale and the two :
krusta and atisvdrya, the extraordinary ones ( which happen to be
at either end ).
§ 8. In addition to the seven ( prakrti ) notes, which are written
on the top of the syllables, there are seven modifications of these
notes ( vikrtis ) which indicate ornamentation and are written
between the syllables but an account of these is not called for here
as the charts of notations of the recorded ganas which are published
elsewhere in this issue of the Bulletin do not make use of them.
The latter are at least as old as the Puspasutra, the text of which
gives them.
§ 9. The question whether the relative pitch which is in
vogue in modern Indian music has been so all along, in other words,
• The Music of Hindostan, 260.
»» op. cit„ ?57.
SOME PROSL^MS &E. SAMAGANA ^
the question whether the absolute pitch was ever in use, in ancient
Indian music, is a very important one. Prof. Paranjpe*' thinks that
in old Indian music, the absolute pitch was clearly in vogue, that
the Naradiya^ksa with its standard notes consisting of the cries of
birds and animals would even point to a rigid pitch but that in
the Paniniya Siksa and in Bharata’s Nafya-^astra, where the same
note is described as standing in a variable capacity, the ordinary
absolute pitch is to le inferred as in vogue. He further points out
that the Samgtta-Ratnakara on the other hand and even a late
work like the Ragavibodha appear to use both pitches indiscrimi^
nately on occasions and represent the transitional period. The
period of which the Professor writes is comparatively later than the
one which is of immediate concern to us. With reference to the
latter period, diverse opinions are held. SiMON 12 argues that since
the tone figures. 4, 5 and 6 of the Purvagana are identical with 1, 2
and 3 respectively of the Uttaragana, the tone-figures must be
supposed to have relative worth. But according to Felberi*, the infor-
mation of Fox Strangwaysis favours the absolute pitch, because
a singer who sang a portion of the Samaveda before him ( Fox
Strangways ) begged to be excused that he could not sing in the
correct absolute pitch on account of weakness and old age. F ELBER
himself holds that the relativity of the pitches is very probable from
a psychological point of view, firstly because presumably there
appears to be some connection between the pitch and the Vedic
accents which also mean the figures of relativity and secondly be-
cause of the natural limitation of volume of the voice of an indivi-
dual. FelBER’s plea in this connection that ancient Indian music
has an essentially moral nature and even a mystical streak may be
summarized as follows : —
§ 10. The fact that the highest pitch is absolutely absent is
very important from the point of view of the moral nature of
ancient Indian music and is openly connected with mystical ideas.
Even in discussions about the tones there is no reference to 1-7
tones but to high pitch which is identical with 1-6. In the Sama-
‘ Principles of Melodic Classification in Ancient Indian Music ’ contri-
buted to the Vedic Section of the 1st All-India Oriental Conference, Poon^ 1»».
“ The comparison of the notes of the scale to the ones of animals is
interesting, sa Is the note of the peacock, n of the cafoAo, poof the goat, mo of
the crane, pa of the kokila, dha of the frog and ni of the elephant.
Dob Fu^pasUtrOf 523 ff, ^ , < 0^0 a
Die indische Musik der vedischen und der Klamschen Ze%t (Wien, 1913,)
IS The Hindu Scale, Gammelh der Int* Mu$. Ges^ ISL 485.
V. M, apte
asd
vidhana Brahmana we have a passage,^* the gist of which i{S ad
follows : By virtue of the highest pitch of the Saman, the gods
live; men live on the first among the following tones; the
Gandharvas and the Apsarasas on the second ; the animals on the
third ; the Pitrs and Andajas ( egg-born ) on the fourth ; the Asuras
and the Rak^sas on the fifth ; the Udbhijjas, the trees and the rest
of the world, on the last. Therefore it is said: 'the Saman is, the
^ood, as he gave them Saman as the means of sustenance.’ And in
another place in the same Brahmana^®, it is said ‘ The high pitch
belongs to Prajapati or the Brahman or the Vidvedevas ; the first note
belongs to the Adityas, the second to the Sadhyas, the third to
Agpi, the fourth to Vayu, the mandra to Soma and the atisvdrya to
Mitra-Varuija.’ So the highest pitch belongs to the gods and
then the remaining tones were given their function, of course, from
1 to 6 and not from 2 to 7. The position of the highest pitch as
sharply distinguished from the remaining ones may be theoretically
explained thus : — that it is the property and the sole right of the gods
[ practically this is so, on account of the effort to reduce the compass
of songs to a lightly singable range of voice in connection with their
employment in the service of liturgy;]; even the lectures and
orations of the Gregorian chorals, apart from the solemn recitations,
reach up, as a rule, in volume only to a quint but at the highest,
to a sext ( 6th ).
§ 11, In the opinion of the writer, the comparison of the notes
of the scale to the cries of animals does lend colour to the view
that at some unspecified stage of antiquity, the conception of
the scale as a matter of absolute pitch must have been known and
even made use of to some extent because the cries of animals do
keep the same pitch. It must be acknowledged at the same time
that modern Indian music has not much use for it as it neither
names it nor uses it without naming it ; in fact, the present day
musicians who arc resourceful enough to translate any idea of theirs
into practice have no device for determining the absolute pitch.
The reason for this may be that the relativity of the pitches, with
its powerful appeal to each individual singer, the volume-limitations
of whose voice it alone could accommodate, must have been much
more in vogue all. along and later eclipsed the absolute pitch as in
modern Indian music.
§ 12. An interesting feature of Sama-singing is the descending
order (nidharta-prakrti) of its scale. It has a parallel in the movement
Sten KONOW, I>a$ 8Umavidh^nahr^hmai}a^ 33 ff.
SOME PROBLEMS RE. 5AMAGANA
of the Greek tctrachord from high to deep. The old melodies of India
and of Greece thus move in a descending order and finish with the
leading tone (the starting pitch). So also, the ascending nature erf the
modern Indian scale has a paiallel in the Hexachord of the Middle
ages which is of an ascending nature. FelbeR makes a very apt
observation when he remarks'*’ in this connection: ‘This noteworthy
difierence between the ancient and modern music on the one hand
and the agreement of the oriental with occidental music on the other
hand without the possibility of one influencing the other, clearly
depends upon the difference in perception of music in ancient and
modern times’. Prof. MULAY*® suggests an ingenious explanation of
this nidham-prakrti. From very early times according to him, the
l^enu— a pitch-pipe made of Bamboo with six holes -was used as an
invariable accompaniment by Sama-singers. Now, when this pipe
is blown into, the note produced is the one called kriL^a; when
the first of the six holes is closed and the pipe blown in, the note
produced is a lower one than the krusta and so on ; this, in the
opinion of the Professor, was the cue for the descending order of the
Saman scale,
§ 13. Inseparable from this, is the problem of the correspon-
dence of the notes of the Samagana or ancient Indian music with
those of the modern Indian music. After referring to the oldest
list of notes that he knew of, viz. that in the Samavidhana Brahmana
which begins with krusta, prathama etc. and noting that in later
works ( e. g, in Sayana’s commentary on the Arseya Brahmana)
the numbers prathama etc. are used, BURNELL observes ‘ These
again partly correspond to the Sadja, rsabha, gdndhara, madhyama,
pancama, dhaivata and nisada of the usual music but in reverse order
i. c. the first note of the Hindu ordinary music is the fourth of the
Saman*priests and the scale ascends, the reverse of the scale of the
last. If, therefore, we would represent the seven”* notes of the
Saman scale in terms of the corresponding notes of modern Indian
music, we should have :—Ma, Ga, Ri, Sa, Ki, Dha, Pa, correspond-
Die Indische Musik der Vedischen und der iClassischen Zeit, 63.
BhUratiya SanigUa ( Bombay, 1940) I.
See foot-noto No. 7,
The qaestion whether seven notes were used in S3ma-singiDg is discussed
elsewhere in this paper ( and is not material to the tabulating of the correspon-
dences of notes in ancient and modern Indian music which immediately
concerns ns.)
290
V. M. APTE
inS respectively to krusta, prathama, dvitiya, trfiya, caturtha, fftandfd,
and atisvdrya. Reverend POPLEY in his ‘Music of India ’ ( Madras,
1921 ) gives this very order.
§ 14, We turn next to the problem of the identification of
the Saman notes and the corresponding notes of the modern Hindu
scale with those of the modern European scale. As the names of
the Saman notes have changed according to their space-time
context, the modern notation by numbers is more simple. The
seven notes are designated by the numerals 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, and the
last (not much used) by 7. A. C. BURNELL^i identifies these with
F, E, D, C, B, A, G and claims to have ascertained this by means of
a standard pitch-pipe and adds that it is also the doctrine of the
Naradiyasiksa wherein occurs the well-known verse
Yah Samagdridm prathamah sa venor madhyamah svarah yo dvitiyah
sa gdndharah .... Miyastv rsabhah smrtah,
P. R. BHANDARKAR22 makes the following criticism on this.
After quoting the above-mentioned statements of Burnell, he says
‘But it is easy to show that Dr. Burnell is certainly wrong
(1) either in his identification of the seven notes with f, e, d, etc.
or (2) in supposing that this identification is borne out by the
Naradiya ^iksa. For, though the author is quite correct in saying
that the common Hindu scale ( that is, of the present day ) corres-
ponds with the European key of C, it does not follow that the
common ancient Hindu scale was the same as to-day’s. As a matter
of fact, it will be shown in the sequel that if C be taken as the
sadja, the gdndkdra and the nisdda as given in all Sanskrit treatises
on music will be represented by efe and bb and not by e and b as is
the modern Hindu practice in Northern India. Moreover Dr.
Burnell evidently had not before him the second^* of the two
sbkas quoted above ; otherwise he would have seen that though
the order was smooth up to the fourth note which was identi-
fied with the sadja, it was no longer so with the remaining
notes, the fifth, sixth and seventh being the dhaivata, the nisdda
and the pancama respectively and not the nisdda, dhaivata and
pcincama, as one would expect if the enumeration of the notes
had proceeded in the descending order of the pitch. From all
See the reference in footnote 7,
Contribution to the study of ancient Hindu Music, Indian Antiquary
(1912), 41. 163.
caturthah ^adja ityahuji paflcamo dhaivata hhavet 1
^aqtho ni^ado vijfleyah^ saptamah paflcamah smrtah 1 1
SOME PROBLEMS RE. SAMAGANA
291
this, it is evident that Dr. Burnell’S identification of the seven
notes of the Saman, even if it be correct, is not in accordance with
the Naradiya-diksa and it is very desirable that an expert should
ascertain the relations of the notes of the Saman while it is still
possible to find Brahmanas who can chant it.’
§ 15. The problem we touch upon next, is when the Saman
scale consisting of seven notes came into use and whether there
was a nucleuj which was later extended, or whether the
Saman scale consisted of seven notes from the beginning. It may
be noted in this connection, that the Saman chants in all the schools
do not require the use of the seven notes. The Puspasutra (IX. 26)
tells us that the Kauthumas sing the majority of their chants to
five tones, a few to six and two of them to seven notes. That the
medials of the five classes of consonants— guttural, palatal, cerebral,
dental and labial-viz. gi, ji. dii di and bi, proceeding in regular order
from the throat to the lips, should have been chosen as (Sol-fa) names
for five notes only in the Samatantra, shows that the scale consisted
normally of only five notes for a long time. FOX StrangwaYS**
thinks that the enlargement of the scale to six by the addition of
krusta was an afterthought because it is independent of the nomen-
clature by ordinals and because there is hesitation as to hrusta or
fersta. Finally ( according to him ) a seventh note was tentatively
admitted in the atisvarya. If, further, we closely study the very
valuable list of authorities for the Saman Scale given on p. 258-9 of
the Music of Hindostan^, we may well agree with the author in his
contention that since the four ordinals ( first to fourth ) are in every
treatise identifiable with F, E, D, C of the European scale and since
in the Taittiriya Pratisakhya, the RgVeda accents : Udatta, Svarita,
pracaya and anudMta—ate appropriated to these notes, these four
notes ( identifiable with the tetrachord F, E, D, C ) may well have
been the foundation, the real nucleus of the scale.
§ 16. In the opinion of the writer, in some very ancient unspc-
cifiable period, only four notes appear to have been used. These were
designated probably as first, second, third and fourth and formed a des-
cending scale. Later on, as P. R. BhandaRKAR* suggests, the scale
was extended below and upwards by the notes mandru and krustn
respectively and Misvdryu appears to have been the last addition to
** The Music of Sindostart, 261.
»• By A. H. Fox STBANaWAYS.
* Indian AtUiquary il. 163.
292
V. M. APTE
its lower end. A distinction must, besides, be made between the
knowledge and the use of the seven notes even in the earliest period
of ancient Indian music. Although therefore, no one can deny the
perfectly natural process of gradual evolution from the earliest
stage of the use of the monotone to the final stage of the use of
the seven tones, it will not be possible to affirm categorically that
in a certain period of the history of Saman music, seven notes were
unknown. The Aitareya Brahmana (II. 7 ) says ‘Saptadha vai
vagavadat tdvadvai vagavadat\ ' in one place and in another (VII. 8),
'Sd svaravatyd vded samstavya. If the two statements are carefully
studied the conclusion that the AB. speaks of the sevenfold division
of the Saman scale is irresistible. Bearing this in mind, we can turn
to the very interesting task of tracing briefly in works on music,
( early or late ) reminiscenses, however faint, of the gradual stages
of evolution from the monotone to the seven tones. The Naradiya-
^iksa ( I, i. 2-3 ) and the Saragita Ratnakara ( iv. 38 ) seem to hint
that a rc was chanted in monotone, a gdihd to two notes and a
Saman to three notes. The statements are far too vague to allow
us to infer the relation of pitch, in which the notes stood in the
last two cases. The consideration of the three-note stage of Saman
chanting hinted at here, is very naturally linked up with the likely
stage of the employment or musical rendering of the three Ilgveda
accents in the Samaveda, that is, in the chants to which the Rgveda
was sung. When the three Rgvedic accents : Uddtta, Anudatta
and Svarita, were employed in the Samaveda, they took the form
of musical notes^^. This was perfectly natural as the Samaveda has
taken over its texts bodily from the RgVeda for the most part,
the actual words being altered or expanded to make them suitable
for chanting and has given a musical meaning to much of the
grammatical and prosodial determinations of the RgVeda. The
accent was originally a mark of musical pitch. So the RgVeda has
all along been recited to three tones. The Uddtta ( raised ) and
Anudatta (the not raised) sounds represent the two main pitches of
the speaking voice. The Svarita is in effect a falling accent of a
Noteworthy in this connection is another late attempt in the
YajHavalkyaiik^a and some metrically defective verses in the PaifiniyaSikiZ to
appropriate the three Rgvedic accents to the seven notes of the modern musical
scale and to distribute the latter over the three accents: — Udatta^Niiada,
Q^ndhSra ; Anud3Ua=^sabha, Dhaivata and Svarita — Siulja, madhyama and
pafloama. The raison d'etre of this makeshift classification is easily seen. There
were three aooents and the notes were of three kinds viz., with two, three and
four ifruWa respectively. See the article referred to in footnote 23.
SOME PROBLEMS RE. SAMAGANA
293
dependent nature** marking the transition from an accented to .a
toneless syllable, regularly following the Udatta, to the rise of which
its fall corresponds in pitch and the first part of which sounds
higher than the Udatta, though it is shown on philologic^ grounds
to have been originally between the Udattc and the Anudatta. FOX
StrangWAYS® makes some very acute observations 'regarding
the Svarita, the so>called ‘ sounded * tone. ‘ No explanation is
given as to what is exactly meant by “sounded”, although it seems
clear from the featment of Svarita that it means *’ graced When
it was employed in the Samaveda, the Svarita became a high note
with grace attached to it Elsewhere he says*®, ‘ The Svarita is
practically an ornamented Udatta falling to an indefinite pitch
below it. This indefinite pitch is called pracaya { “ throng ” )
in allusion to the number of unaccented syllables which occur there
in succession ; the pracaya is toneless as distinguished from the
Udatta and Anudatta which are toned. ' Extremely interesting is
the observation of SXRANGWAYS** that he is tempted to see in the
pracaya the counterpart of the pykon.
§ 17. Leaving aside these details for an exhaustive treatment
in the subsequent issues of the Bulletin, the writer draws attention
here to the almost imperceptible transition from the very probable
three-note^ stage to the four-note stage adumbrated in the
Taittirlya Pratirakhya which, as we saw above ( Section 14 )
appropriates the uddtta, svarita, pracaya and anudatta to the four
notes ( identifiable with the tetrachord F, E, DandC) which are
the foundation of the Saman Scale. In the foregoing Section 16
have been rapidly sketched, the various stages such as,
(1) the five-note stage as hinted at in the Samatantra showing
that the scale consisted normally of five notes, in some period
of antiquity ;
»« A. A. Macdonbll, Vedic Orammar, 77.
a» The Music of Hindostan, 246-7.
Ibid., IW.
For a detailed explanation see Ibid., 247, fn. 2.
In a paper entitled the * The oouoept of key-note in the Taittirlya PrSti-
safchya,* submitted to the 8th All India Oriental Conference, my ooUeagu^ Prof.
C. R. SanKABAH ( Reader in Dravadian Philology ) disousses this problem of the
OTolutioii of the seven-note stage from the three-note one on the same lines and
oomes to th^ oonolusion that the pracaya seara was the key-note inthe/our-note
stage of ancient SSnian Music, This pracaya svara is identifiable ( according
to him) with the trtiya svara which in its turn is to be equated to the ryabha evara
of the olassioal Indian Music.
294 V. M. APTE
. (2) the six^note stage arrived at by the addition of kftista and
(3) finally the seven-note stage by the tentative admission of
the atisvarya.
§ 18. Evidently the assumption of the three saptakas (octaves)
in all Indian notations :~a higher ( tara ), middle ( madhya ), and
lower ( mandra ), arrived at as the average compass of the human
(singing) voice has a fundamental connection with the three savanas
(1) prdtah savana, (2) rmdhyamdina savana and (3) sayam savana in
which a rc was originally recited. The three savanas were called
sthanas because they corresponded to the three voice-registers—
mandra, madhyama and uttama ( later called idra ),
§ 19. The Gdtra-vmd ( lit. the lute of the limbs i. e. hand and
fingers ) or the Musical hand is referred to in Bharata’s Nafya-
^tra ( chap. 28 ) and is described in the late Naradiyasiksa.
The idea underlying this musical hand is that the thumb touches
successively the tips of the four fingers to indicate the corres-
ponding notes. In the svdra or cadence, for example, the
hand is held in the shape of a cow's ear and the thumb
passes over the four fingers in succession. The full details
and illustrative diagrams and charts are given in BURNELL’S
Introduction to the Arseyabrdhmana, ‘ The Ancient mode of Singing
Samagana ’ ( Poona 1939 ) ( by Pandit Lakshman Shastri Dravid
the singer of the Institute’s Saman records ) and also in Prof.
Mulay’s book ‘ Bharatiya Samgita pp. 44 ff., which the curious
reader may consult. In the list of authorities for the Saman scale
given in the Music of Hindostan ( 258-9 ) by A. H. Fox Strang-
WAYS, appears as No. IX the fairly modern work * Dhdramlaksana '
which assigns the krusta to the tip of the thumb, the prathama,
to the root of thumb, the dvitiya to the second finger and so on.
The claim that this is an ancient system of notation and hot
merely a mode of emphasizing the various Saman notes by
means of the movements of the hands and fingers as Dr. WlNTER-
NITZ^ puts it, is another matter that calls for investigation.
§ 20. Finally, the problem of the geographical distribution
of the adherents of the principal Sakhds of the Samaveda over the
different provinces of India in ancient and modern times, is one
that must be tackled more seriously than has been done so far ! It is
rendered complicated by the migration, now and then, of indivi-
duals and even whole families of Samavedins from one province
to another. Three main schools are met with to-day : (1) The
*• ffllW.
SOME PROBLEMS RE. SAMAGANA ^
Ranayanlyas, at one time settled in Maharas^ra are said to survive
now in Eastern Hyderabad. (2) The folbwers of the Jaiminlya
school^ are found in some villages of the Tincvelley District in
South India but chiefly in Malabar where the Natnbudin Brahmins
are its most important representatives. (3) Followers of the
Kauthuma sakha are met with in the Tamil country at such
centres of orthodoxy as Chidambaram, Tanjore, Kumbakonam
and Trichinopoly. A colony is also found in Gujarat in the
neighbourhood of Baroda. The Kauthumas of the Tamil country
differ in many respects from those of Gujarat in their respective
modes of Sdma-singing I This fact emphasizes the import-
ance of comparing and contrasting the modes of chanting
the Sama-ganas as prevalent in the dift'erent schools which
differ, inspite of the fact that the texts of the Sama-ganas
are the same ( in the three extant sWtKas for example ) 1 To take
an instance, a peculiarity of the Kauthuma way of chanting is
that their breaks do not coincide with the ends of certain words
( as in the case of the Jaiminiyas ) but come after the first
consonants of the following words which arc thus joined to the
last letters of the preceding words and so on. So, the thorough
study of one particular Sama-gana involves the study of that gSna
as chanted in all the extant Sakhas as also the study of provincial
variations in the mode of chanting prevalent in one and the same iakha I
M The Jaiminiyas are also to be found In the country of Nepal, according td
a MarSthi pamphlet entitled * CcLtur’oedl-kakhd'^TtiTUciyd (Poona, 1927;. Fof
further details, see the CaranavyUha of KStySyana with the bhSsya of Tryambaka
thereon ; consult also Ancient Sunskrit Literature^ 373 ff. The Information
however, is much too vague for effective search !
^OUND-RECORDS OF SAMAGANAS
A PROSPECT AND RETROSPECT
By
V. M. Apte
§ 1. Before I proceed to give an account of the Sound-records
of Samaganas made by the Deccan College Postgraduate and
Research Institute at my instance. I must take notice of some
important earlier attempts at phonographically recording Saman
chants. Dr. Felix EXNER who went to India in 1904 on a meteoro-
logical expedition succeeded in making some 68 r ecords in Bombay,
Benares, Calcutta, and Madras, with his own phonographic outfit
and took these phonographic cylinders to Vienna. A detailed
account of these appears in the' book entitled Die indische Miisik
der Vedischen und der Klassischen Zeit — an important contribution
to the history of recitation— written by Dr. Erwin Felber, in
co-operation with the Viennese Professor of Sanskrit, Dr. Bernhard
Geiger and edited by the Imperial Academy of Sciences in Vienna,
1912. In this book. Dr. Felber has worked out the results of Dr.
Exner, and Dr. Geiger has provided the text and translation.
Out of these 68 records, only 9 have been taken from the Vedas ;
six of them are taken from the Sdmaveda ; two are from the Taittiriya
Brahmai^a and one ( the 9th of the Series ) is so avowedly modern
as to be worthless. Dr. Felber discusses the melodic structure of
these six Samaveda chants in his third chapter ( pp. 38-41 ).
§2. With the permission of Dr. Felber, the six Samaveda
records have been transcribed by A. H. Fox Strangways in his
work, ‘ The Music of Hindustan ’ ( pp. 267-74 ), with their text,
translation and a stafif-notation but without the Samaveda notation
with which each of the examples has been supplied in Dr. Felber's
book, because, in the opinion of STRANGWAYS, ‘ it is probably the
notation of a different sect from that to which the singer belonged,
who has at any rate, taken no account of it except in a very general
way*.^ This was hardly a wise decision, because the Samaveda
notation, though that of another school and almost ignored by the
singer is, nevertheless useful if not for comparative study, at least
for its own sake and the writer of the present article has there-
fore given it below. Dr. Arnold A. BAKE, in his paper, ‘ The
practice of Samaveda' ^ considers these six Samavedic records
* Ibid., 267.
* Contributed to the 7th All-Indis Oriental Conferenoe, 1933.
SOUND.RECORDS OF SAMAGANAS 297
closely and in detail and pronounces them as of little value ! The
miter, however, does not agree with Dr. BAKE in this judgment. Let
us therefore examine his arguments and data, record by record.
The numbers given below are those of FelbER (who gives the
sta¬ation of Nos. 425 to 428 on pp. 101-4 and that of Nos.
443-4, on pp. 114-5 of his book )
§ 3. Felber No. 425. [ Sung by a Brahmin boy of twelve, born
in Calcutta, a student of the Sanskrit Colie ge. Calcutta, named
Dharmavrata Chattopadhyaya, the son of Satyavrata Sama^ra-
min ] Samaveda, Rudrasamhita 6, Saman ; njyadoham.
Usha Vol. II, fasc. 2, Samhitasaptakam, p. 11 (Bibliotheca Indica
edition of the Samavedasamhita. Vol. II p. 409 : Aranyagana
1.1.2.16.)
Note : — The gana-text as well as the Samasamhita and IlgVeda
texts of this record as well as those of the next one with a
translation etc. are given in the Charts of Records Nos.
Ill and IV made by the Institute and the accompanying
notes appended at the end of this article. The Staff-nota-
tion of both these records is given on pp. 101 and 102 of
Dr. Felber’s book ‘ Die Indische Musik der Vedischen
und der Klassischen 2^it,’ as also on pp. 272-3 of A. H.
Fox Strangway’s book ‘ The Music of Hindostan.’
§ 4. Felber No. 426 : [Sung by a Brahmin boy of fifteen,
born in Calcutta, named Krsnavrata CHATTOPADHYAYA, the son of
Satyavrata Samadhyayi ].
Samaveda, Brahmayajiiapatha 3, Saman : Unnayam.
Usha Vol. II, fasc. 3. Brahmayajiiapatha p. 4 ( = BibUotheca
Indica edition of the Samavedasamhita Vol. II, p. 517 : Aranya-
gana III, 6, 2, 21)
For the gana-text etc. of this record, see note to the preceding
record ( No. 425 ).
§ 5. Felber No. 427.
[ Sung by a Brahmin, named Laksmlnarayana SARMA Samavedi,
42 years old; a priest in Calcutta born in Puskara, Jodhpur
( Rajputana )].
Samaveda, Arisafvarga 2, and 3 ( incomplete ).
Usha Vol. II, fasc. 3 Arisfavarga p. 2 ( =: Bibliotheca Indica
edition of the Samavedasamhita Vol. I, 419 : Gramageyagana
5, 2, 17, 18. — Compare Samavidhana-brahmana II, 1, 5 for the
significance and use of the aristavarga ).
298
V. M. APTE
text-
3 , 2a
- 1
2. maha - itra 234 inam | ava 2 rastu | dyuksamma 234 itra
3 2 A 3
2 Ir
sya 2ryamnah | diiradha 234 rsam | varauho 234 I va | na5syo6ha-i
2 , 1
3. mahitrlnamavarastu 6e | dyuk^mmitrasyaryamnah
2 1 2
duradha 23 rsam
1
varau.
This gana text has the following original SV. text as its basis : —
1231 2 #* 32 3123 21
mahi trinam avar astu dyuksam mitrasyaryamnah |
3 2 3 1 2
duradharsaih varu [ nasya ] 1|
[ Samavedasambita 1, 2, 2, 5, 8 ( BENFEY, p. 18 ) J
Compare Rgveda X. 185, 1 : —
mahi tilnam avo ’stu dyuksam mitrasyaryamnah |
duradh4rsam varui^asya II
Translation: — Unchallengeable and splendid may the divine
succour of the Three be — (viz. )of Mitra, Aryaman and Varuna,
§ 6. Felber No. 428.
(Singer, the same as that of No. 427.)
A continuation of No. 427, with the repetition
of a part thereof viz..
duradha 23 rsam varau ; (thus, this is a
continuation and conclusion of Aris^avarga 3)
Text
duradh^3rsam | varauho2 | hum ma2
The basic SV. Text is : —
duradharsam varunasya
[ Cf. No. 427 above ]
1 -
5 *-
na I syo2 | ya234auhova
§ 7. Dr. Bake says about these four records ^ ‘ These four
records cannot be counted as very valuable because the tradition of
» Ibid, 146.
SOUND-RECORDS OF SAMAGANAS
299
Samaveda in Rajputana and certainly in Bengal cannot be taken as
sound. The learning of Satyavrata Samas'RAMIN, the father of the
^ first singer, cannot make up for the lack of orthodox tradition
' in Bengal.’
This (in the opinion of the writer) is rather a tall order !
Because the Samavedins are confined for the most part, to certain
provinces or localities to-day and probably for a long time in the
past, it does not automatically follow that the tradition of Sima-
singing, the preservation of which was and is the sacred duty and
trust of a Samavedin, is to be judged unsound on the ground that
the Sama-singcr or his ancestors migrated to and settled in
another province where the Samavedins do not muster strong ! In
India from the most ancient times, till almost to-date, educational
ideals were and are so high that teacher and pupil, if ever separated
(in a geographical sense) would maintain enough contact (through
regular periodical meetings etc.) with each other to ensure that the
pupil did not fall off from the high standard of proficiency he had
attained on the completion of his full course of training under the
direct and personal guidance of his Guru. Nor can it be affirmed,
as Dr. Bake has done, that the learning of the father [of the singer
of the first (No. 425) record, for example] is absolutely no guaranty
that the son — the singer — is keeping up the orthodox traditions of
the Samavedic School to which he belonged. The father, in ancient
times, was very often the Guru of the son and in any case, if a learned
man, would not be indifferent to the fidelity or otherwise of his
son’s rendering of Sama-singing.
§ 8. Felber No. 443.
t _
[ Sung by a Brahmin named, V. Subrahmanya SastrI,
40 years old, a priest in Madras, born in Tanjore and his
Brahmin pupil, G. Ramchandra Sastri, 17 years old, a
student in Madras, born in Tanjore, together. ]
Samaveda, Gramageyagana 14, 1, 36 , — Sdman (Melody) :
called Yaudhajayam,
Bibliotheca Indica edn. Samavedasamhita Vol. II,
p. 76 ; compare also Vol. Ill, p. 44.
TEXT
3
puna21
3 s
^ 234sl
2 'v 3
i U 2,
na3hso ma dhara234ya | apo3 | vasa2
2’’ 1 2 „ i,
aratnadhah
2 »‘
yo
I ^
nimrti2
3 3
syasa345-i
3 2
na-a345 |
I dl234s!
300
V. M. APTE
The basic SV. text is as follows : —
3 _ 1 , j 3 1 , 1 2-3 1 /
punanah somadharayapo vasano arrasi |
1 2 3„.l 2r 3 1 J 3 2 3 1 2 3 1 2 1
a ratnadha yotiitn rtasya sidasy utso devo hiranyayah |
I Samavedasamhita I, 6, 1, 3, 1 (Ben FEY, p, 52) J
Compare Rgveda IX, 107, 4 :
/ I
punanah soma dhacayapo vasano arsasi |
a ratnadha yonim rtasya sidasy utso deva hiranyayah
[Translation; — Robed in the waters, rushest thou, O Soma,
purifying with thy stream ; the bes tower of treasures, thou
sittest in the womb of rta, a golden spring that thou art, O God !
8 9, Felber No. 444.
[Sung by the same priest V. Subrahmanya SastrI alone
( See introductory note above to Felber No. 443 which is
sung by this priest together with his pupil ) J.
Samaveda, Uhagana 1. 1,2 ; Saman (Melody): Rauramm.
(Bibliotheca Indica edn, Samavedasamhita Vol. Ill,
P. 43).
Text
2 r r t ^ r r
punan3hsoma3dhara234ya apovasano-arsasyaratnadhayonim-
rtasyasa2-idasa-i
oha3-uva
I r r r 2
u tsode voh i r a23ha-i
12 3
oha3~uva
nyaya | au3hova
2 r r r ^ 5 1 T r r
utsodevoha3-iranya234yah utsodevohiran-
sad hastham^3ha-i
oha3-uva
sadat
au23hoW
pratnam
sadhastha3masa234dat pratnamsadhasthamasadadaprcchyan-
Y a32|12 2 I 1 2
dharunamvajiya2rsasa-i | oha3-uva | nrbhirdhautovica23ha-i
12 2 1 1 I 2 4 5 1 4 I , 1 1
oha3-uva | ksana \ au3hova | ho^S-i | 4a 1
SOUND-RECORDS OF SAMA-GANAS
301
The basic SV. text is
1 - V * ® Ji -J 2 3 1 24 I
!• punanan soma dharayapo vasano arrasi |
1 2 3 1 2’f 3 1 2 .,3 1 2,31,23 1 2. 1 1
a ratnadba yonim rtasya sidasy utso devo hiranyayah 1 1
2 .
,3 1 2 ^ 3 1 2 ^
duhana udhar divyam madbu
3 . : . 3 2 -» 3 „2 ,3
priyam pratnam sadhastham
1 1 , 2 . „ 3 1 2 . 3 ^
aprchyam dharunam vajy
asaJat i
arsasi nrbhir dhauto v^icak^nah
[ Samavedasamhita II, 1, 1, 9, 1, 2 ( Benfey, p. 63 ) ]
1. Compare Rgveda IX, 107, 4 ; see No. 443 (above) for the
text and translation thereof.
2. Compare Rgveda IX, 107, 5 :
duhana udhar divyam madhu priyam pratnam sadhastham asadat |
aprchyam dharunam vajy arsati nrbhir dhuto vicaksanah | |
[Translation :— ] Milking dear mead from the heavenly udder,
he hath sat himself down on the ancient seat ; thou the courser, far-
seeing, rushest ( RV. reading : ‘rushes’ ) to the covetable reservoir
[ lit., (very much) in demand ] when washed by men.
• § 10. With regard to these two, the learned Doctor objects
that 'both records, being sung by the same man may have eventual
individual errors in common’. This is indeed strange criticism !
How are we to get an idea of the typical mode of rendering the
Sama-ganas, traditionally prevalent in a particular branch of the
Samaveda, unless we ask one and the same person-^a. learned follower
of that Sakha to render for us a few select ganas ? If we employ
diflferent individuals for different ganas, individual variations, how-
ever slight, will cut across Sakha variations and interfere (however
slightly,) with our understanding of the latter. Besides, the
majority of the surviving Sama-singers are ignorant of the technical
side of Samaveda music.* The experience that Strangways had is
illuminating in this respect. Two chants were sung before him ;
one distinctly chromatic described as ucca ( high ) : the other as
distinctly diatonic, described as nica (low). He was more than once
asked by the singer whether he should sing in the ucca or the nica
* The SSma*Binger select ed by the D. C. P. & B. Institute is an exception I
He knows what he sings and oan give a notation thereof,
9
302
V. M. APTE
voice; all that STRANG WAYS could make of this is best expressed in
his own words, ‘it seems possible that he may have been referring
to a difference of scale rather thin of pitch'^ (Italics mine). I? it not
better, then, to concentrate on some fairly intelligent representative
of a ^akha and get him to render a few typical Sama-ganas than to
ask diflFerent individuals to render different ganas ? And so the
writer disagrees with Dr. Bake*s summing up on the value of the
six Samaveda records made by Dr. ExneR, when he says ‘So practi-
cally speaking, we have nothing at all whereon to base any judg-
ment.’* In the opinion of the writer, much valuable material regarding
the practical aspects of Sama-singing is presetted in these six records
which awaits investigation from every angle,
§ 11. The instances^ of notation taken on the spot and recorded
by Burnell in his edition of the Arseya Brahmana are undoubtedly
very helpful and valuable, as also the explanatory notes of M.
Seshagiri ShastrI in the Descriptive Catalogue of the Madras
Government Library of Sanskrit Manuscripts but the next really
important attempt at the sound-recording of Sama-ganas is that
of Dr. Arnold A. Bake himself. The records he made in India arc
listed and serially numbered as ‘ Bake Indian II ’, in the Catalogue
of the Phonogramm Archif of the Berlin University. Schoss, Berlin
Cj. In the description below, I refer to the numbers of these, as
given in the above-mentioned article of Dr. BAKE.
§ 12. Bake Indian II.
7^os. 331 and 335 : These two records were made at Kottayam
in Malabar, with the help of some Nambudiri Brahmins professing
the Jaiminiya Sakha. No. 331 records the first Saman of the
, , 2 3 12
Gramageyagana based on ‘ agrid dydhi ’ up to 'satsu', (SV. I. l.l.l.l)^
— 12 3 12
and No. 335 records the Arapyakagana based on prathasca yasya etc.
3 1
up to ‘ rathantaram * ( SV. Purvareika, adhyaya 6, khapda 2,
mantra 5.)'^
7^os. 336 and 339 : In order to be able to make a comparative
study of the rendering of the same melody as sung in the different
schools of the Samaveda, Dr. BAKE got more records made of the
same Saman, the first Saman of the Gramageyagana ( see No. 331
® TJie Music of Hindostan, 271,
• The Practice of Samveda, 147.
^ All these details of references have been ^iven by the writer as they are
unfortunately wanting in Dr. Bale's article.
SOUND-RECORDS , OF SAMA-GANAS 303
above ), the one he made at Chidambaram being his No. 336 and
that at Trichinopoly being his No. 339, both representing the
traditional mode of Sama-singing as prevalent among the Kauthumas
of the Tamil country.
3 2
!A(o. 340 ; With reference to the record of the Saman ‘ Imam
3 12,,
stomam arhate which he made at Trichinopoly ( No. 340 ), Dr.
Bake notes that in 't, the full seven notes were used, but says
nothing to indic^e whether it was Gramageyagana II. I. 38 based on
SV. 1. 1.2.2.4 or Uhagana XVII. 1. 15 based on SV. II. 4.I.7.I.
§ 13. Though we are concerned here with an account of
earlier Samaveda records only, it would be interesting and instruc-
tive to mention here that Dr. BAKE took two records at Kottayam
from a young Nambudiri Brahmin trained at Trichur in Cochin
State — a centre of Nambudiri Vedic learning-the first No. 323 of
‘ prat&r agnim pratAr indram havamahe' from the RgVeda (VII. 41.1)
and another No. 327 of ‘ iyuste ye purvataram apasyan ' from the
Black Yajurveda ( Ts. I. 4. 33 1 ). He notes that in the Vedic
practice of recitation of his day, as represented by these records, the
RgVeda and Yajurveda have become close to one another. Thus
among the Nambudiris— a sect that has kept its traditions very pure,
living as they do, in splendid isolation from the outside world-there
is no noticeable diflFcrence between their way of chanting the
RgVeda or the Yajurveda. As the traditions of the Nambudiris
arc different from those of all other Brahmin communities in India,
Dr. Bake took a record ( No. 329 ) of the Black Yajus text :®
‘ pracina vayamsam' (!) at Chidambaram ( Tamil country ) and he
notes that this record sounds exactly like the recitation usually in
vogue for the RgVeda. Thus, even amongst the Tamil Brahmins,
there is no noticeable difference.
§ 14. Dr. Bake’ mentions these records of his ( Nos. 323, 327
and 329 ) in connection with Dr. Felber’s theory ( which, in his
opinion, is very probable ) that the relative position of the Ilg-,
Sama- and Yajur-vedas is comparable to what is found in the
Roman Catholic liturgy. Thus : —
* It has to be noted with regret, that Dr. Bake in his ^otherwise sxoeMent)
article not only gives no references but quotes also very inaccurately ; c. g.
here it is impossible to trace his incorrect * pracina vayaniham to any Black Vajus
text ! All I can surmise is that he moans ^prUclna varHam* which can be traced
to TS. VI. 1. 7. 1.
« Ibid., 147
V. M. APTE
(1) The Yajus would be spoken or recited in an even murmul^
designated as bhasikasvara like the ' lectiones ’ in Roman Catholic
liturgy : (2) in contrast to this comes the marOra-smra of the
RgVedic recitation showing a wider range, three-four notes, indi-
cated by the accents :-~udatta, anudatta and svarita, comparable to
the * accentus ' of the Roman Catholic liturgy. (3) The Sdimspara
finally using a wider compass and bringing the octave occasionally
would be comparable to the chants called ‘concentus* in Gregorian
music.
Curiously enough these three stages were represented accord-
ing to Dr. Bake in a record of chants not connected with Vedic
offerings which he made in the temple of Amballapura near Allepy
in Travancorc. The texts ( non-Vedic in character ) were chants
sung at the temple in Malayalam and are designated as 'SanJnrtana'
in the Catalogue mentioned above. Though Felber’s theory was
not borne out by the Vedic practice that came within the range of
Dr. Bake’s observation, the latter scholar was told by a singer that
followers of the White Yajurveda chant their texts in the
bhasikasvara as indicated by Felber. For the verification of this
information recitations of White Yajurveda texts must be phono-
graphically recorded and closely studied. The writer reserves his
comment on the theories mentioned above, until such time as the
Deccan College Postgraduate and Research Institute is able to take
records from the RgVeda and the Yajurveda ( Black and White )
after completing the recording of the Sama-gdms as sung in all the
principal Sdkhas.
§ 15. In the meantime, as Dr. Bake’s records, of which a
detailed account has been given above, are not before us, let us
reproduce the gist of the learned Doctor’s observations on his own
records and comment on them where necessary and possible. He
says that the Nambudiris who have traditions of their own in
every respect do not show a trace of the comparative melodic
riches attributed to their School — the Jaiminlya Sakha— in the
Sastras, that at least their way of singing the gdruis shows such an
indefinitely older stage than that of the six notes ( which itself
points to a fairly late development ) that it seems to go back to
primitive times, almost to the very beginning of melodic develop-
ment and that it is possible that the Nambudiris follow an older
school of which the practice subsists but the name has been
abolished by the later adopted Jaiminiya Sakha. The learned
w Ibid., 161
SOUND-RECORDS OF SAMA-GANAS 305
Doctor urges the similarity of the music of the Todas at Ootaca-
mand and the Nambudiri way of chanting the SV as confirming
this theory of his, though the similarity is only striking as far as the
compass goes, that is to say, half a tone to a tone. In the opinion
of the writer, this is going too far I Although it may be conceded
that a greater melodic range (say, a compass of six notes) .may indi-
cate in a general way a later stage, it is, by no means, a conclusive piece
of evidence in the history of ancient Indian music. To take an
instance, the Jaiminlyas use six notes and the Ranayaniyas and
Kauthumas use seven notes, though only in a few chants and yet no
certain inference as regards the earlier or later date of the particular
school can be drawn from this fact alone. Besides, as BURNELL”
says, ‘The Puspasutra shows that some Sakhas sang certain samans to
more notes than others. Again, it is diflScult to trace much in
common between what are nominally the same chants as sung by
members of the different Sakhas,’
Dr. Bake notes with satisfaction that the tradition was (and is)
kept with great strictness as far as the text was concerned. The
singer, the young Nambudiri Brahmin who sang for him at Kottayam
and who knew both the Grdmageya and the Aranydka ganas by
heart did not know the raison d’kre of the specific duration or
measure of the different vowels. He sang as he was taught. Not even
a single consonant was changed. The only deviations were in the
pronunciation of certain consonants in accordance with the peculi-
arities of Sanskrit pronunciations current among the Nambudiris.
§ 16. After this detailed review of previous attempts, we
turn now to the sound-records made by the Institute, The Sama-
singer Pandit Laksmana Sastri Dravid who sang for the Institute
is a Brahmin belonging to a family of Samavedins following the
Ranayaniya branch and having Drahyayana as their Sotra, His
father, Shankara Bhattaji Dravid, came to Poona more than
a hundred years ago as a Purohita and a teacher to a rich Dravida
family then residing in Poona. Sundar Sastri Aiyar, the grand-
father of the Pandit, was a resident of Sbamboor Wadagharc, a
village in the Taluka of Tengashi in the Tinnevelly district of the
Madras Presidency, where the tradition of Sama-singing is still well-
preserved, It is a natural expectation of the writer, therefore, that
the Pandit’s rendering is fairly close to the traditional mode, though
of course, his performance must be judged on its own merits by com-
> » The Soman chantt from the Ar^eya Brnhmai^a.
366
V. M. APTE
patent scholars after listening to his records, which they are requested to do
by visiting the Institute. So the writer must refrain at this stage, at least ,
from making any comments which would be prejudicial to such expert
criticism which is cordially invited. The Institute proposes to make, in
the near future, similar phonographic records of these same typical
Sdmaganas as rendered by other Sdma-singers belonging to the same
Ranayantya Sakha but hailing from other parts of India, so that it will
then be possible, to examine the degree of fidelity to ancient tradition
claimed by each of, these singers by comparing their performances and
noting the agreements and divergences.
Chart of Record No. I
[Introductory].
The name of the Sdman ( Melody ) is Gdyatram. The gdna
is Grdmageya gdna I, 1. 1, this being the very first gdna of the
Samaveda. It is sung in the madhyama grama ( Major Scale ) [ and
should give an impression of sadja-madhyama bkdva according to
the singer j. Ma or F ( European ) is the tonic or drone note. The
general tendency of the Sarnie notes in this gdna is to ascend by
leaps and to descend by steps. Below the gdna text will be
found a notation of the gdna in terms of the svarasaptaka of
modern Indian Music and if the equations:
C D E F G ^ B
Sa Ri Ga Ma Pa D .a Ni
are borne in mind, it should be possible for students of
modern music [both European and Indian] to reproduce and
enjoy this Saman music for themselves. ( For the accuracy of this
notation, the Sama-singer who himself has given it, is alone res-
ponsible ). The figures 1, 2, 3, 2r or 3k written above the syllables
of the corresponding Samaveda Samhita text mark the accents
according to the peculiar system of the Samaveda, whereas the
figures 1, 2, 3, etc., superscribed on the gdna-text are part of the
notation given in the gdna books.
2a 1 1 r ^
0 3m tatsavUurvareniyo m
saniri riririririri riririri
r r r .
bhdrgodevasya dhimdhl''2
ri ri ri ri ri ri ri ri ri sa
tr r
2 A 1 1 11
1
1
2.1 1 1
dhiyoyonah
praco 1212
hirrid 2
ddyo
0^345
sa ri ri ri ri
sasaririsarisa i
riririsa
ri ri
sanidhapa
SOUND.RECORDS OF SAMA^ANAS 307
The basic text is Samavcdasarohita 11. 6. 3. 10. 1
[ Satavalekari2 p. 155 ; Benfey p, 125 J, as given below
lg.112^ 3 12312 I
Tatsaviturvarenyam bhargo devasya dhimahi |
2 3 1 2 3 1 2
dhiyo yo nah pracodayat 1
The rsi etc., are the same as those given below for the
Rv. text.
The corresponding Rv. passage is RgVeda Samhita III. 62. 10:—
[ Rsi : Visvamitra. Metre : Gayatri. Deity : Savit^.]
Tatsavitu'rvarenyam bhargo devasya
dhimahi j dhi'yo yb nah pracodayat||10||
Translation: May we confer upon ourselves that desirable
splendour of Savitr, the god, who'may ( thus )
stimulate our thoughts.
Chart of Record No. II
[Introductory]
The name of the Saman is Vyahrtisamani trhn [being sung
upon the three Vyahrtis—the three mystical words: bhur, bhuvar
(or bhuvah) and svar which are to be repeated after or before
commencing the daily prayers). The gana is taken from the
ahmaparvan o{ the rahasya-gana or uhya-gana. It is sung in the
sadja grama. The Sa (Indian) or C Major (European) is the tonic
or drone note. The sadja'pancama bkava, should be experienced by
the listeners (according to the Pandit).
5 A 4
5
ir
1 .
. If
1
0 6m
bhuh
bhuh
ho-i
bhuh
ho-i
bhuh
saniri
sa sa
pa i)a
pa pa
pa pa
pa pa 1
pa pa
2A - 2’' 1 ’'3/. 1 1 1 1
}m 31 upd 23 e suvarjyotl 2345 h i
mamagapapapama ga ma ma | papapagamagarisa
bhuvdh bhuvah ho~i bhuvah ho-i bhuvah
sa sa' pa pa pa pa pa pa pa pa pa pa
i» The edition of the SSmaveda-sathhitS brought out by Pay^it Shripad
Damodar SStavalekar and published by the SvUdhyUya. manda^a, (Aundh,
(Diet. Satara), Bombay Presidency (India), 1939-40,1 Is a very oreditable
performance indeed, and may be said to be one of the best editions of that
saJhhitS in the KauthuniTya-EaoSysniya versions published so far! It has
a number of very useful indices and appendices and a very informative introduc-
tion. Among the editions of ancillary SSma texts, the publication of which is
promised by the Svndhynya maiyfala, those of the gSna-books in partidular, are
eagerly awaited,
308
V. M. APTE
2a -a
ir
1 •'SAlllt
hd 31 uvd 23
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suvarjyati 2345 h
2
mamagapapapamaga
ma ma
papapagamagarisa
f •
5
1
1
1
1
1
suvdh
sumh
ho-i
suvah
ho-H
suvah
sa sa
pa pa
pa pa
pa pa
pa pa
pa pa
2a
2^
1 3a1 1 1 1
hd 31 uvd 23
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suvarjiyoti 2345 h
3
mamagapapapamaga
ma ma
papapagamagarisa
1 A 1 1 1 1
0 2345
pa ma ga ri sa
2 1
03m
ma ga pa
The rsi is Prajapati, metre : daivyanustubh and deities ; Agni,
Vayu and Surya. There is no basic Sv. text or corresponding Rv,
text for this gana, sung as it is upon the three mystical words or
vydhrtiSf with the addition of the word ' jyotih
Chart (rf Record No. Ill
I Introductory ]
The name of the Sdmanot Melody is ( Jyestha Sdman ) Ajya-
doham-, the gana is Aranya-gana 1. 1. 2. 16, sung in the sadja grama. The
musical notes used are Ri, Sa, Jii, Dha, Pa. For this and thi next gana
see Felber Nos. 425 and 426 described in Paragraphs S3 & §4 above.
The sama-singer deliberately selected them to invite comparison
between his (Rdmyanlya) rendering and the Kauthuml rendering
described in Felber’s book. The singer claims that the gana will
remind listeners of such musical inodes or rdgas as approach the Kdfi
raga of the present day HindusthanI music. It is the Samasinger’s
special theory that many a present day Raga lay dormant for a
long time in the Saman melodies.
[ In examining this claim and theory, it will have to be borne in
mind that the dormancy of such elements in a gana as give the
impression of a rdga to a modern listener need not necessarily
presuppose a contemporary knowledge or conception of a raga or
musical mode ! ]
1 2 A 1
0 3m
sa ni ri
]id-u
]wrU
\l-u
djy^oham
sa sa
sa sa
sa sa
sa ni dha pa
aSy^ham
sa ni dha pa
ajyadoham
sa ni dha pa
ir
2 A 1
2 3 4 ^ S
murdhanandd^i
vd 3ara
timprthivydh
sa ri ri ri ri
sa ni ri ri
sa ni dha pa
SOUND.RECORDS OF SAMA GANAS
309
if , if
vaisvamram
sa ri ri ri ri
2 1 1 2 3 4 5
rtcM iatamagnim
sariri sanidhapa
2 |>»i
kammsamra
sa ri ri ri
2 A 1
ja 3mati
sa ni ri ri
,2^ 3 4 5
thinjamnam
sa ni dha pa
ijir
asannahpa
sa ri ri' ri
J
tra onjana
sa ni ri ri
2 3 . 5 ,
yantadevah
sa ni dha pa
ir 3 gTs
2^ 3 4^ 5
ha-u
ha-u
ha-u
ajyadoham
djyadoham
sa sa '
sa sa
sa sa
sa ni dha pa
sa nl dha pa
2’' 3 4 A 5 5
ajyado 5hd-u vd
sanidhapapapa p-
if
e
sa
2^* 1 2
2^
ir I 2
2^
2^ 1 A 3 A 1 1 t 1
djyadoham
e
djyadoham
e
ajyado hd 2345m
sa sa ri sa
sa
sa sa ri sa
sa
sa sa ri ni sa ni dha pa
The basic SV. text is as follows ; —
3 12 31231 23 1 2 3 23 2^ 3232
Murdhanam divo aratim prthivya vaisvanaram rta a jatamagnim
3 ,2-:- 3 2.3 1 ? J . .1 2 . 12 3. 1 2 . . ^ j? X
kavim samrajam atithim jananam asan nan patram janayanta devah
[ Samavedasamhita I. 1. 2. 2. 5 Satavalekar p. 122 ; BenfEY p. 7 ]
( Rsi ) Bharadvaja Barhaspatya ; (Deity) Agni; (Metre) Trisfubh.
The corresponding Ry. passage is Rgveda VI, 7, 1 : —
Murdhanam divo aratim prthivya vaisvanaram rta a jatam agnim |
kavim samrajam atithim jananamisin a patram janayanta devah | |
[ The rsi, deity and metre are the same as those mention^fid above
for the 5dman>text ]
Translation The gods have generated Agni Vaisvanara, the
head of heaven, the steward of the earth, born in rta, the sage, the
sovereign, the guest of the people as our vessel in ( their ) mouth
[ according to the RV. version, “as a vessel in (their) mouth" ] .
Chart of Record No. IV
[Introductory]
The name of the Saman is Unnayam ; the gdna is Aranyagdm III.
6^ 2. 21; sung in the sadjagrdma. For other musical details see intro-
ductory note to Chart of Record No, III.
2 A 1
0 3m
sa ni ri
1 2»'
utmtiyami
ri ri sa sa
ho-i
ri ri
2 2^ 1 _
tmnayamt ho-i
ri ri sa sa | ri ri
6
310
V. M. APTE
1 / 1 2 *' • 1 ’'-2 . ■ 1 * 1 1 ^
unmyami ho-i (dUyamfvancamyarUamunmyami
ri ri sa sa ri ri sa sa ri ri sa ri sa ri ri sa sa
.1 \f r 2 _,i 2 i 2l , \ i ^ ,2j 1 L I
ho-i Mityamprancamyantamunnayami 1 fto-i adityamprar^tn-
ri ri sa sa ri ri sa ri sa ri ri sa sa j ri ri . sa sa ri ri .> sa
I
12 ^ 2 ^ 1 2 ^ ^ . f : ^
yaniamimnayami ho-^ ahoratranyaritrani ' ho-i
ri sa ri ri sa sa ri ri sa sa sa ri ri ri ri sa sa ri ri
2 rr f j
1
ahordtrdnyaritrdni
ho-i
sa sa sa ri ri ri ri s’a sa j
ri ri
2 ^ 2 r
1
ir 2
ahordtrdnyaritrcki
ho-ii
dyaurnaurhd-u
sa sa sa ri ri ri ri sa sa
ri ri
ri ri sa sa
!>• 2 1
2
j
dyaurnaur hd-u dyaurnaur ha-
■u
ri ri sa sa | ri
ri sasa 1
^ r r r r
2
X r r r
tasydmasdvddityaxyate
ha-u
tasydmasdvdditya
ri ri ri ri ri ri ri ri ri ri
sa sa
ri ri ri ri ri ri ri
: r ^ \ i r rr r 2 1
i lyate na~u tasyamasavaditydiyate hd-u tasmin*
[ ri ri sa sa 1 ri ri ri ri ri ri ri ri ri ri sa sa ri ri ri
r Y r r 2 1 ^
^vayamiyamdnaiydmahehd-u tasminvaydmiya"
ri ri ri ri ri ri
ri ri ri sa sa |
ri ri ri ri ri ri
r r r
2 1 1
r r r r
mdnaiydmahe
hd-u 1 tasminvayamyamdmiyd-
'ri ri ri ri ri ri
sasa 1 ri rin
ri ri ri n ri ri ri
2
irr 2
irr 2
mahe hd-u
tydmahehd-u
lydmahehd-u
ri ri sa sa
ri ri ri ri sa sa
ri ri ri ri sa sa
\rr 2 A
2
2 i’" ^ 2 © 1 2 ^
lydmahe 3
hd-upd
priyedhamamstriyaksare
ri ri ri sa ni
^ sa sa sa
sa ri ri sa ri ri sa sa
2 i’' I 2^ 1 2 ^ 2 2 © 1 2 3 1 1 It
priyedhamamstriyaksare priyedndmarnstriyaksare 2345
sa ri ri sa sa ri ri sa sa sa ri ri sa sa ri ri sa ni sa ni dha pa
This gana-text has no Rgveda verse as its basis, but a so-called
stobha Casya mulayn na rg, api tu stobhah*). It is therefore also
called channa-gana ( ‘rgvi/imam channagdnarn ), In it are sung only
vdkya^stobhas (i< e. stobhas composed of sentence^ or vakyas), in
combination wi|:h padastobhas (or ufprd-stobhas ) jsuch as fco 4 ‘ etc.
The Bib|iothcc 4 Indica editfon of ^he SamaYed^samhita, . \|ol II,
SOUND.RECORDS OF SAMA-GANAS 311
(p. 518) gives the following padapatha of the vakyastobhas which
form the basis of the gana-text : —
2 1 ^ • 1 -J- ^ I 1 ! 2 I 2^ I 1 2»* I I
ut I nay ami | adityam | a | dityam | prancam | yantam | ut |
3^1 1 2 I 3 I 1 2 I 12^ I I ‘I
nayami \ ahoratrani 1 ahah \ ratrani ] aritrani | dyauh 1 nauh |
^ / 1 ^ 2^ 3 2 3 I 2 1 t 2^^ 1 2^ I 3 2 I
tasyam | asa*i adityah a | dityah | lyate tasinin | vayani (
12^^ 1 1 2^" 1 3 2 1 2^ 1 1^" I la I
iyamane | iyamahe ] priyc dhaman \ tryaksare \ tri | aksare |
Translation : — I carry upwards the culitya ( the sun); the Mitya
going forward, do I carry upwards ; day and night arc the oars,
the sky is the ship. On this, the Mitya goes forth. By virtue of
him Cthus) going forth, we go to the dear abode consisting of the
three aksaras (.a+u+m—om ).
Chart of Record No. V.
[ Introductory ].
The name of the Saman is Tarksyam prathamam. It is Grama-
geya gana, IX. 1. 1-2, It is sung in the sadja grama, the drone note
being Sa or C.
5 A 4
5 ^
21^
3/4 l 1 1
2'^ 2^ 3
A 1 1 1
0 6m
tyamusu
vajt
7ia 2345m
devajuta
234m
saniri i
"sa sa sa
mama
gainagarisa
1 mamamagamagari |
5 ^ 3 ^ 2 1 2 2 © 3 45
sahovamm ta ruta 3 ramrathanani
sasagamapa mamaga ma ga ri sa
2 A 3a1 11 A 5 . 2 . ^ 2
arista na 234 imim prtana 343jamasum
mamamagamagarisasa inamamagarigamagasa
2 1
1
\Y 2 3 2a1 1 1
2Al 4 a 1 '^l 1 1
svasta
yai
tarksyamiha 343
hu 3va Sirrid 656 '
ma pa
pa pa
pamagamagariga
magarisasanisani
The basic SV. text is Samayedasamhita 1. 4. 1. 5. 1. [Satavalckar
p. 37 ; Benfey, p. 35 ] : —
^ 2 3 2 * 3 1 2 . 3 1.2 . ,31 2
Tyamu su yajinam devajutam sahovanam
323. 1,2.^ |l2 ...
tarutaram rathanam | aristanfemim
31^
V. M. APtE
3 l.a S ,J o 3 2 3 1 2
p^naiamasum svastaye tarksyam
lha huvema |
The rsi etc. arc the same as those given below for the RV.
passage.
The corresponding RV. passage is RgVeda sarohita IX. 178, 1.: —
[Rsi; Aristanemi Tarksya. Metre : Tristubh. Deity : Tarksya]
Tyamu su' vaji'nam devajOtaih sahavanam
/ I ^
tarutaram rathanatn | aristanemim
f ^ ^ / / I
prtanajamasum svastaye tarksyam ihahuvema |
Translation: — ^That mighty one, speeded on by the gods, the
strong one, the winner of chariots, ( that )
Tarksya, the swift one, of fellies unharmed,
rushing to battle, we would invoke here now,
for (our) well-being.
Chart of Record No. VI
[Introductory)
The name of the Saman is Brhat-saman (which is, by the way,
the Saman par excellence according to the Bhagavadgita X. 35 ).
This Saman sung u^on tlie two verses SV II. 2. 1, 12. 1 & 2 is
included in the Aranya-, uha-, and uhya-ganas but the one
selected for this record is from the uha-gdna II. 1. 13-17.
2 1
it r r r 2
r xY r
0 3m
auhoitvamiddhihavamaha 3e
sdtduvdjd
saniri
sa sa sa sa sa sa sa sa ni sa
sa ri ri ri
,2 3M 11 5 12
sydkdrd 234 van tuvd 34
risanisanidhapa risanidha
sr trs
auhovd
nidhapa
vrtrdisuvdi drdsd31 ta
sa ri ri ri sa ni ri
2 3/vl 1 1 5
patimnd 234 rah
risanisanidhapa
tvdm kdsthd 34
ri ri sa hidha
3r tr s
au nova
nidhapa
su2arvd 234
risaririsanidha
ta
dha
s 5
uhum 6 hau
5
vd
srth
papapamapa
pa
SOUND.RECORDS OF SAMA-GANAS
313
2 ^^/ . 2
aufun tuva^3me
sa sa sa sa sa n sa
kastha
sa ri
2 3^1 1 1 5
smrva 234 tan
risanisanidhapa
1 2
*.1., -1
nascaitrava
, 2
SO tvd34
auhova
jrdha 31
risanidha
nidhapa
sa ri ti [
risaniri
„ 2 3-1 n s
stadhrmu 234 yd
risanisanidhapa
2 1 2
3^ 5
mahastavd 34
auhova
sa ri ri sa ni dha
nidhapa
1 _
no Zddrd 234 i
risaririsanidha
vah
dha
5 s
muva 6 hdu
papapamapapa
s
vd
pa
sr]h
2 r r , ^ 2 1
auhoi...maha 3e
sasasa sa sa ni sa
1
stavd
sa ri
2 3a1 11 5
no adrd 234 ivdh
risanisanidha pa
suvdmrathdi
sa ri ri
2 ir /2
satrdvdjd 34
saririsanidha
gdma 34
risanidha
auhova
nidhapa
ydmd 31 i
ri sa ni ri
2 3a 1 11 5
drasamkd 234 ird
risa ni sanidhapa
5
*■- J-
- 1
auhova
ndjdi
ndZjigyu 234
nidhapa
risari
risaririsanidha
r
5 5
5
1
sax
uhuvd6hdu
vd
has
dha
pamapapa
pa
riri
The basic Sv. text is Samavedasamhita II. 2, 1. 12. 1 and 2
( Satavalekar pp. 88-89 ; Benfey p. 73 ].
1 2 ^^ 3 12^ 3 1 2 I
Tvamiddhi havamalic satau vajasya karavah |
2 31 2,31 2. 3 23 1 2
tvaih vrtresvmdra satpatim narastvam kast:hasvarvatah
sa tvam na^itra vajrahasta dhrsnuya mahastavano adrivah
1 , «,2^ 3^ ,2^ . , 3 1 . 2 2 2 ^^^ 3 2 .3 1 2 | O
gamsvam rathyamindra sam kira satra vajam na ]igyu^ '
The rsi etc. are the same as those given for the following Rv^
text.
314
V. M. APTE
The corresitonding Rv., passage is RgVeda samhita VI. 46.
1 and 2
[ (rsi) : Samyu Barhaspatya ; (Metre) Pragatha; (Deity) Indra]
f f * ’ f f It f
Tvamiddhi havamahe sata vajasya karavah 1
tvam vrtresvinSira satpatim narastvam ^kas^hasyarvatah | 1 |
sa tvam pascitra vajra^asta dhrsnuya mahah stavanb adrivah )
gamasvam rathyamindra s4m kira satra vajam n4 jigyuse ||2||
Translation ; (1) Since thee we poets invoke for the winning of
■ wealth, (since) thee, the mighty Lord, O Indra, men
, (invoke) in battles, thee, in the race-courses of the
, steed ; (2) as such (therefore), O thou Resplendent
one, whose hand holds the bolt, scatter on us boldly,
kine and chariot-steeds, booty, as it were, for the
conqueror, praised for splendour (as thou art), O
thou, armed with the thunderbolt.
THE CONTRIBUTION OF THE S ABARA-BHASYA TO
RGVEDA EXEGESIS.*
OR
THE TREATMENT BY SAHARA OF THE RGVEDA PASSAGES
CITED IN HIS BHASYA.
By
D. V. Garge.
Group 2 ; Passages died for determining the nature of the
Vedic Deities.
JS IX. i. 6-10 forming what is known as the Devatadhikarana,
discuss an interesting topic viz. the nature of the Vedic Deities.
We read in Vedic literature graphic descriptions of various Dcitics-
their parentage, physique, their associates and various interesting
anecdotes connected with them.
The problem raised here is whether the Deities have in
reality, material bodies of flesh and blood ; or the descriptions seen
in the Vedic texts are mere allegories ?
The Purvapaksin states that the motif of the entire Vedic ritual
is to please the Gods so that our happiness in this life as well as in
the next might be ensured. These Gods or Deities who arc the
objects of our worship and adoration, accept with their material
bodies, all that we offer them in sacrificial performances and they
in return, extend their favour and protection towards us. The
deities are, therefore, just like our guests whom we entertain
with gift and service, the only difference being that a Deity is
invisible to the mortal eye. That the Deities have got limbs like
human beings is indicated beyond doubt, by the following Vedic
passages. Smrti texts and custom also corroborate this view regar-
ding the form of the Deities.
RV X. 47. lab
'ippHT [ 4^441 I ]
Trans : — Desirous of treasure, we have taken hold of the right
hand, O Indra — Lord of treasures.
RV III. 30. 5cd
Continued isovaBDCBJ 3. 546,
316
D. V. GARGE
Trans : — When thou, O Indra, graspest even these two bound-
less worlds, they are but a handful of thee.
RV VIII. 17. 8.
Trans .—Indra, strong in his neck, fat-bellied and stout-armed,
intoxicated with juice, smites down the vrtras (demons).
These passages speak of various limbs of the material body of
the Deity, Indra.
Again, RVX. 116. 7.
^ *» ] ^ 'SI ii
Trans . — Accept the oblation presented to thee, O Sovran
Ruler, free from anger. The juice is pressed for thee O Bountiful
One, and (the oblation) cooked. Eat it Indra and drink of that
which is made ready.
RV I. 95.100
IW ?Rf(^ I
Trans ; — He puts into his maw all kinds of food.
RV VIII. 77. 4.
Trans . — ^By a single effort, Indra desirous of soma, drank thirty
vessels (Blled with soma').
These passages indicate that a Deity eats and drinks as human
beings do.
Further, RV X.89.10.
^ I
^ n
Trans:— Indra lords over Heaven and Earth, Indra lords
over water and also mountains. Indra the Master of the prosperous
and the wise ; Indra must be invoked while resting and exerting.
RVVII. 32.22od
Trans: — We praise thee, O Indra, Lord of this moving world,
looker on heavenly light and Lord of what does not move.
These passages indicate that the Deity lords over land and
wealth. This is impossible without corporeal body.
CONTRIBUTION OF THE S'ABARA-BHASYA
317
Similarly, RV II. 26. 3.
v srt i
«i: ii
Trans : — He with his people, his clan, his family, and his sons,
gains food for himself, and wealth with the heroes ; — ( he ) who
with a true believing heart serves with oblation Brahmaiiaspati,
the Father of the Gods.
This passage indicates that the Deity when pleased grants
booty and splendour. This too speaks of the corporeal nature of
the Deties.
Sahara dismisses the view as follows :
The Purvapaksin is labouring throughout under wrong
impression. The idea that the Deity is the prompter of every
sacrificial performance is not correct. It is, as a matter of fact, the
transcendental merit ( apurva ) arising out of the sacrificial
performances, that should be regarded as the principal factor in
bringing about the desired fruit. It is the fruit that is desired by
the man ; all his activities are with a view to achieve his own
purpose and not that of the Deity. The Deity which is spoken of
in connection with a sacrifice is only a subordinate factor ^ and
presents itself only as a receptacle of the offerings. It is clear from
this that it is the objective of the sacrifice i. e. apurva ( for the
time being ) that induces a man to go in the sacrificial per-
formances.
Coming to the form of the Deities, it must be remarked that
the Purvapaksin bases all his ideas about the form of the Deities on a
superficial study of the texts. The Smrti passages and customs that
speak of the bodied nature of the Deities have their origin in the
misinterpretation of those Vedic passages. Careful study of those
passages will clear off those notions. It is nowhere declared in
terms clear and distinct, that the Deities are possessed of physical
forms. The indicative texts, adduced by the Purvapaksin, do not
prove beyond doubt his thesis. They present no difficulty of
interpretation, even without assuming physical forms of the Deities.
Thus, RV X. 47*1 does not mean that Indra has a right hand ; what
it means is that “ we have taken hold of what is Indra's right
hand. " This does not necessarily imply that Indra has a hand ; it
is simply a glorification of Indra's sovereignty. Even if it be granted
» Vide J 8 Via i. 38-4.
7
318
D. V. GARGE
that Indra has a hand yet the grasping of it is not a perceptible fact
and hence to that extent the statement must be taken ( even by the
PurvOpaksin) as a mere eulogistic description, in order to save it from
absurdity. The verse, therefore, simply indicates the presence
of the Deity Indra ; the sense of the eulogy being as follows :
“ The Deity, Indra is such an efficient instrument of accomplishing
the desired result that it accomplishes on being invoked, in the
same manner as being endowed with intelligence, body limbs etc. ”
Indra is thus invoked and told, “ We have taken hold of your
right hand *’ — which only means, “ We depend on you " ; and the
purpose served by the mantra is only to remind us that we should
proceed to perform the rite in honour of this particular Deity-Indra,
Similarly, RV X. IS- 1®, ( “ I invoke thee
posssessed of eyes ’’ ) does not indicate the presence of eyes of Indra
but is a mere glorification of him. It should be noted here
that eulogy is possible even by superimposing attributes that
do not really exist. Vedic literature abounds in eulogies of this
kind. For instance, in the verse RV X. 94 2.
Trans : — ^These (soma-pressing stones) speak like hundreds and
thousands ; they roar with their green-tinted mouths. The meri-
torious stones due to their merits, ate up from the sacrificial obla.
tion that was meant for eating, even before the Hotr-priest did.
RV X. 75. 9a
Trans : — Sindhu yoked a comfortable horse-chariot.
In the first verse the power of speech is attributed to stones •
and in the second the river Sindhu is spoken of as a sentient being
yoking her own chariot to rush forth.
The passages adduced by the Purvapiiksin, therefore, do not
prove the existence of any physical body of the Deities ; conse-
quently the mention of various limbs of the Deities should be taken
in a metaphorical sense.
Sahara in another placed records in all, three views re garding
the conception of a Deity prevalent in his time ;
fl
Under ;rsx.iv. 133.
CONTRIBUnON OF THE S^ABARA-BHAWA 3i9
(i) A Deity is a being who is described in ItihMa and Purana
as living in heaven, for example Agni, Indra, etc. This view has
been rejected as it excludes terrestrial Deities such as ‘ Sarduh '
( Tiger ) as well as those that preside over ( Divisions of ) Time,
such as ‘ M3sa ’ ( Month ) and ‘ Samvatsara * ( Year ), which are
spoken of in orthodox literature.
(ii) The te-m ‘ Deity ' denotes just those to whom the name
has been aoplied in Vedic texts ; c. g. Agni, Vata, SOrya (VS 14. 20)
This definition excludes the non-Vedic Deities and even some of
the Vedic ones.
(iii) A Deity, therefore, is that to whom -either a hymn* or
an oblation is dedicated as prescribed in the scriptures, may it be
sentient or non*sentient, corporeal or incorporeal.
Notes It is clear from the above controversy that the
Mimamsakas do not regard the Deities as objects of worship nor
believe that they exist anywhere except in the words of the Vedic
texts. They are only eternal concepts, since they ate described by
the eternal, self-evident Vedas. It is interesting to note that while
the Rgveda hymns are inspired by the living faith in the Deity
which was an object of worship, the MImamsaka wonders how the
deity can be simultaneously present in different places where She
is invoked.* Parthasarathi and Khandadeva, however, cannot bring
themselves round this view propounded by older Mimamsakas.
Parthasarathi says* that the Gods serve in the sacrifices even after
assuming that they possess physical form. Khapdadeva observes ;
* My speech gets soiled by uttering the above view (about Gods) ;
and hence I take recourse to the remembrance of Lord Had.
This leads us to the question as to what may be the reason of
making all these attempts to deny the existence of the bodies of
the Gods ?
There is a doctrine of the Mimamsakas that the letters of the
mantras are unalterable. If a single syllable is omitted or trans-
posed or if in the place of a particular word any synonym of it is
used, the mantra will be defective and will not produce the desired
effect. Hence it is necessary that a mantra should be correctly
pronounced. The sacrificer and the priests are not required t(} see
that the Gods are present at the time of the performance, but they
* E.g.RV I.R
* Prakarai}apafleikS, 185 ( CbowkhambS ed.)
* ^UntradipiklL, 580 ( NirvayaaSgar ed. )
■ Slattadipikn. 3-53 ( Mysore ed. )
3 ^
D. V. GARGE
should only take care that they commit no mistake in uttering the
mantras. They have nothing to do with the Gods as actual persons
but they have only to deal with their names. Hence arises the
belief that the Gods exist in names, and the Mimamsakas have
arrived at the conclusion that the Gods are identical with their
names. It will be noticed that the Vedic conception of God had
no active place in the Mimamsa scheme and as a natural conse-
quence it gradually faded away. In its zeal for the Veda, the
Mimamsa manages to preserve the Book only to miss the spirit
including a living faith in God.’^ The Deities being so materialised,
the Mimamsaka freely allowed the tendency of deifying animals and
such other objects in nature.
An old version of the present discussion regarding the conce-
ption of a Vedic Deity, is found in T^irukta VII. 6-7 wherein
Y^ka gives in all four views, and Sahara concurs with the last and
the established one viz. ‘ though really unanthropomorphic, the
Deities assume anthropomorphic appearance for receiving sacrificial
gifts. ’
Besides the two classes of Deities viz. Suktabkak and Havirbh^,
Yaska gives two more ; Rgb/i^ ( to whom a verse or verses are
addressed ) and Tiipatabhak ( who are incidentally mentioned ).
Of the ten Rgveda verses cited by Sahara, five viz. RV III. 30-5 ;
X. 116-7 ; X-95-10 ; X-94-2 and X-75-9 are reproduced from
mukta VII. 6-7.
Group j : — Passages that are shown to be the sources of rules
in non-Vedic works like Smrtis.
JSI.iii. 1-2.
Context and the contents of the Sutras :-
A number of commands like the following, are laid down in
various Smrti-works ( a ) ‘ Drinking booths should be set up
( b ) ' One should keep a tuft of hair on the head ’.
The question whether these commands are as much authorita-
tive as Vedic texts themselves, in the matter of dharma, is discussed
by Jaimini in I. iii. 1-2.
Apparently it would seem that the rules and regulations laid
down in Smrti-texts ( like the two quoted above ) cannot have the
same authority as the ‘ ^ruti ' ( i. e. the Vedas ) has. The former*
OHA.TTERJEE and Datta, An Introduction to Indian Philosophy^ 384
321
CONTRIBUTION OF THE S'ABARA-BHASYA
treatises are attributed to persons in flesh and blood and hence can
be fallible, as against the latter which are eternal, impersonal and
hence infallible. Consequently, all Smrti^rules should be disregarded
on the ground of their being human deliberations with no autho*
rity on matters religious.
This view is refuted in the second Sutra r “The non- Veda texts
( like the smrtis ) are trustworthy, as there would be inference
( i. e. assumption of the basis in the Veda ) from the fact of the
agent being the same. ”
The non-Vedic texts like smrtis, too, are authoritative because
it is well known that the authors of these works were very scrupu-
lous and staunch followers of the Veda. They would not have
tolerated even the slightest deviation from what is stated in the
sacred texts, much less they themselves would lay down any course
of action, not authorised by those texts. The only thing that those
smrti-writcrs did, was that they restated in their own words and in
a well arranged manner, the same rules and dictates of the Veda.
It is therefore, no unwarranted assumption to hold that every
statement of theirs, has some basis in the Veda i, e. the ‘ revealed
texts. ’
Coming to the smrti-passages cited above, it can be said that
‘ setting up a drinking booth ’ is a philanthropic action referred to
in the Rgveda verse X.4'l'<* , :
iR I ]
Trans : — You are like a fountain in the desert, O Agni, to a
man who worships you, O Ancient King.
Again, the custom of ‘ keeping a tuft of hair ’ which serves the
purpose of indicating the gotra of a person, is alluded to in the Rg-
veda verse VI. 75'17.
Trans . Where the ( flights of ) arrows fall like boys with
their locks dishevelled, there may Brahmanaspati and Aditi grant us
protection for all days.
These examples sufficiently illustrate the fact that ever)' rule
laid down in orthodox smrtis has for its basis some or the other
Veda-texts ( may it be extant or otherwise ). It is in this way.
that the trustworthy character of smrti-treatises is established by
the Mtmamsakas.
^ , b. V. GARGE
Notes The above discussion, it will be seen, is iiuportant.
as it explains the Vedic basis of Hindu customs, secular law, duties
of castes and states in life etc. etc.. From the most ancient times
the Vedas have been looked upon as a source of dharma.^ 'However,
they do not lay down positive precepts on those various topics,
they contain only incidental references to these matters. Such
references which are found scattered in the entire Vedic literature®
are all relegated to the arthavdda section by the Purva-Mimamsa
System. Yet these arthavddas form a syntactical unity with the
positive injunctions ( vidhis ) in the Veda^® and hence are equally
authoritative. They indicate with sufficient clearness the state of
things in that ancient society and it is no wonder that the authors
of the orthodrx smrtis who had sufficient knowledge of that state,
laid down their precepts in strict conformity with the Veda-indica-
tions. It is due to this basis of the smrtis that they are held in such
a high esteem by Jaimini who is very critical in examining the vali*
dity of human statements.
Group 4 : — Passages cited to illustrate the MinMinsd
stand-point with regard to Vedic ritual.
(A) The subject matter of the Purva-Mimamsa System is
dhartna ( i. e. duty ) ; and the Veda is the only means of obtaining
valid information on that subject. In order to establish the
validity of the Vedic texts, the eternality of ' word ’ and what is
denoted by it, has to be proved. Jaimini, therefore, discusses the
pros and cons of the problem in greater detail and finally asserts
that his view is authorized by the Veda itself. Sahara quotes the
relevant text which reads as follows :
RV Vni. 75. 6.
[ I [ fwlf |i ]
Trans Now, O VirQpa, rouse for him, the mighty
God, who is ( kindled ) at dawn, a fair praise with speech that is
eternal.
Regarding the general nature of dharma prescribed by these
eternal ‘ revealed text, ’ Sahara remarks that sacrificial performance
is its essential feature, as is declared in the Veda itself.
* Vide Ocuttama'DkarmaSUtra, 14-2; and Ipaatarhba’DharmaSutra
• Vide RV I.124-7 ; H.17-7 j IV-5.5. T8. 2-5-8-7 ; S-l-S-d ; sIb 1-8.3-6.
»» JS I.ii.8.
It is hardly possible that the eternality of speech i. e. a word — a theory
very late in origin, was ever meant in the Egveda, * Nityayn vSca * can be
rendered into English as ‘with ceaseless voice. *
CONTRIBUTION OF THE S'ABARA-BHASYA
323
RV X. 90. 16*^.
Trans: — By sacrifice did the deities offer sacrifice ; and these
were the earliest dharmas.
Gjnsequently, works on Mlmamsa are found to be replete with
Vedic texts discussed or referred to, in order to determine the most
correct sacrificial -procedure.
(B) The Veda is defined as ‘the collection o( mantras md
brahmanas. Of mantras no scientific definition is possible ; hence
more logical writers on Mimamsa have contended themselves with
explaining mantra as a name including all those passages to which
the learned apply that name.
Jaimini defines mantra as ‘ the texts that are expressive of
mere assertion of things that are connected with prescribed acts ; ’
the rest of the Veda is known as brdhtnana. This definition is only
illustrative as there are certain texts which are not expressive of
any assertion and are yet called ‘ mantra \ e. g. VS 24*20.
Mantras arc classed under three heads— (1) a ^ (2) a
Sdman and (3) a Yajus. A is defined in JS II. i. 35. as a
mantra divided into 'feet', that is, into certain well-defined parts, on
the basis of meaning. As an instance, Sahara quotes RV I. i, 1.
I II ]
Trans : — I praise Agni, the Priest-God, the BXvij of the sacrifice,
the Hotr-(, priest ) , the best treasure of wealth.
The phrase ‘ on the basis of meaning ’ in JS II. i. 35, should not
be taken in its strict literal sense ; that is to say, the name matUra
does not cease to apply to those Rks in which the metrical foot does
not make a complete sense ; for example, RV I. i. 2.
- [ fwl I ^ I?? H ] •
Trans : — Agni, by ancient seers and by new, is worthy to be
praised. He shall bring hitherward the Gods.
The name 'Sdman is applied to the music to which certain
mantras axe set^*. The term Yajus is applied to all those mantras
that are neither arranged in metrical feet, nor set to music**.
Jpastamha-ParibhSva-SlUra, I. L S3.
»• TB.1-8-1S6.
J8n.L36andVai.l-Sl.
*• JSII.L37.
324
D. V. GARGE
Besides this main threefold classification of mantras, there is
also another classification based upon the difference in character of
signification, of accentuation and so forth. Sahkarabha^^a in his
Mmiamsa^laprakasa describes and exemplifies in detail all the 323
kinds into which rnantras are divided. The Vrttikara in his Prtti
mentioned in the Sabara-Bhasya, has exemplified fourteen kinds :
(1) Mantras ending in ‘asi, (2) those ending in ‘tva’, (3) expressive
of eulogy, e. g. RV VIII. 44. 16, (4) questioning ( e. g. RV I. 164.
34 ), (5) description ( e. g. RV. 1. 164. 35 ) etc. etc. This classifi-
cation is by no means exhaustive, e, g. the mantra RV I, 24. 11“
has the word ‘tva in the middle instead of in the end as said above.
As regards the brahmana portion, the Vrttikara, quoted by
Sahara, exemplifies twelve divisions based on some characteristic
marks : (1) Frequent use of the word ‘iti’, (2) containing the
expression ‘so he says’, (3) narrative,. (4) ratiocinative, (5) expres-
sive of derivation, (6) deprecatory, (7) eulogistic, (8) indicative
of doubt, (9) injunctive, (10) descriptive of other’s action, (11)
descriptive of ancient custom, and (12) indicative of emphasis.
This classification of brahmana passages is not scientific ; it is
only illustrative. The above-mentioned characteristics are shared
by mantras also. Sahara points out ten such cases : RV X. 119. 1* ;
VII. 41. 2^ I. 116. 3*,«I. 2.4'; X. 117. 6*; VIII. 44. 16“ ;
X. 129. 5"; X. 117. 5‘ ; VIII. 21. 18“ ; and X. 90. 16* arc exceptions
to characteristics Nos. 1, 2, 3, 4. 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10 and 11 respec-
tively.
(C) JSII.i.30.
It has been proved in JS II. i. 1-3 that in Vedic sentences the
verb enjoins an act in view of some reward for the agent. This
naturally leads to the question whether every Vedic verb, may it be
in the mantra section or in the brahmana section, has got the same
injunctive force.
Jaimini here declares that a verb in a mantra, expresses merely
an assertion ( 'abhidhana' ), not injunction ( 'vidkdna' ), because it is
only while the sacrifice is being performed that the mantra comes
to be recited. A mantra, as the very name shows, is meant for
chanting at the performance of some rite, thereby speaking of or
describing the action to be done. The definite injunction of the rite,
however, occurs in the corresponding portion of the brdhmaria text.
All printed editions of the Sahara BhS^yaread 'ugro' instead of original
■ tugro * in the ^gveda* It is not traced in any of the Vedio texts.
CONTRIBUTION OF THE S'ABARA-BHASYA 325
Sahara, illustrates the conclusion, with a verse from the RV.
RV6.28.3.
^ suT^Rn^'s m H
Trans .: — These (i. e. kine) are never destroyed, no robber
can harm them; no foe ever injures them. Their master lives long
with the cows with which he conducts his sacrifice and serves the
Gods.
The verbs ‘yajate’ and ‘dadafi’ express the acts of ‘serving with
a cow,’ and ‘giving a cow as a gift’, which are directly enjoined in
TB 2. 8. 8. 11 and TB 1. 1. 6. 11 respectively”. The manrta, there,
fore, when recited in connection with those rites simply reiterates
what has been enjoined elsewhere.
Notes : — The whole hymn RV VI.28 is in praise of kine. TB
2. 8. 11-12 gives all the verses, including the present one, in a section
which gives the ’yajyds’ and ‘anuv^yas’ (the Offering -and Invita-
tory verses ) for kamya pasus like a 'Vehat' ( a cow that has mis-
carried or is barren ). TB 2. 8. 8. 11 quotes this verse only in a
pratika while TB.2. 4. G. 9 gives it in full, where pada ‘b’ reads
differently.
Kumarila in his Tantravdrtika, points out that the rule declared
by the Bhasyakara regarding the injunctive force of verbs is not
invariable or absolute ; for instance, verbs in the mantra VS 24.20
are found to be injunctive ; while those in the brahmana-passage
TB 3. 7. 17 are mere assertions of what has been alrcadv enjoined
elsewhere. According to Kumarila what the JS II. i. 32 states is
that there are not only two functions of a Vcdic verb as said in JS
II. i. 6 viz. enjoining a primary act|and a subordinate act, but there is
yet another function of a verb, that of simple assertion ( 'abhidkana')
which function takes place when the injunctive function is
precluded by the presence of another injunctive word.
(D) JS1II.V.37.
Context and contents of the Sutras :
In a Soma sacrifice the priests drink the jorna-juice remaining
in various cups after it has been offered to various deities. SB
4, 2. 1. 29 declares that the residue should be drunk by the priests.
Here the question arises as to who should first drink from the
residue. The prima facie view is that it is the Adhvaryu who holds
the soma-cup in his hand and hence it is reasonable that he should
drink first.** The Siddhantin argues that it is against Vedic indica-
»» Cf. ipS. 5-8013,~
*« On the ground of the maxim StSWUPt
8
326
D. V. GARGE
tion. RV X. 94. 2. and V. 43. 3 allude to the custom that the Hotr
is the first man to drink the 5oma-juice.
RV X. 94. 2.
Trans.— These (pressing stones) with their green-tinted mouths
roar like hundreds and thousands. The meritorious stones, due
to their merits, ate up from the sacrificial oblations, that was meant
for eating, even before the Hotr- priest did.
RV V, 43. 3.
[ ^ I ]
T. SWT; ^ ^ |l ]
Trans. — Adhvaryus, having made the sweet (soma-) juice ready,
bring the beautiful and bright juice to Vayu. O God, as our Hotr-
priest, be you first to drink it ; we offer you of the mead for
your joy.
Notes The Mimamsakas claim to be the strictest adherents
of the ancient Vedic culture which was pre-eminently a
sacrificial cult. They were therefore, most scrupulous even
in the most minor details of religious performance and did
not tolerate even the slightest deviation from the directions
of the Veda which is the only sacred source of information regard-
ing dharma. In the absence of these directions, they sought for
their guidance, some allusions if any, on that point embodied in the
Veda itself. It was only when neither of them could be found,
that they allowed human reasoning ( laukika nydya ) to creep in.
This explains why the Sutra ‘ ’ which refers to Veda indica-
tions occurs every now and then in Jaimini's work.*’.
Conclusion
, The following facts may be pointed out in connection with
^bara’s method of dealing with Rgveda verses :
(1) Sahara highly speaks of the immense help*® rendered by
the Science of Etymology and Grammar in interpreting Rgveda
verses.
*• Vide supra Group III for the Vedio basis of oustonts and praptioes,
1 9 Vide pnder . J 8 1. ii. 41 and I. iii. 10.
CONTRIBUTION OF THE S'ABARA-BHASYA
(2) Sahara seems to have been very much influenced by the
canons of Etymology laid dovrn by Yaska in his Tiirukta.^ Moreover
he reproduces a number of etymological explanations of words^
given by Yaska.
(3) Sahara is inclined to interpret l^gveda verses as well as
words, in a sense suited to the ritualistic purposes. He looks upon
the Rgvedic God? as mere recepients of oblations and not as repre*
senting some physical phenomena as Yaska holds.
(4) Besides their use at the sacrificial procedure, Sahara (and
all MImamsakas for the matter of that ) looks upon Rgveda verses
as containing the most authoritative record of customs and laws,
religious as well as secular.
Appendix
Index of Passages from the Rgveda quoted, discussed or referred
to by Sahara, in his Bhasyaon the Jaimini Sutras :
( An asterisk indicates that the passage occurs in other Vedic
works as well. )
Group I
RV
JS
I. 89-lOa
• • •
I. ii. 31
( from the Tiirukta
I. 110-4e
VI. i. 50
I. 169-3*
I. ii. 31
( from the Tiirukta )
III. 53-14»
• « «
I. ii. 31
*IV. 58.3»
• ••
I. ii. 31
VI. 4715
• • #
X. iii. 15
VI.
X. i. 32
♦VI. 16-34«
• ••
I. iii. 30
♦VIII. 4416«
I. ii. 31
VIII. 75-5 (cf.)
VL i. 44
( from the TUrvida )
VIII. 77-4'
• • •
I. ii. 31
X. 54-3
f ••
X. iii. 15
X. 106-6*
• • •
1 ii. 31. 41
( from the Tiirukta)
*X. 121-1
• ft
X. iii. 13
Group II
■
RV
JS
• I. 94-1
« • •
X. iv. 23
1. 95-lOc
IX. i.6
( from the Tiiruka)
** See the etymologies of words like ‘ brsaya * ( J 8 X. i. 32 ) , ' uriiiba ’
( J S IX. W. 22. )
E. g. * Searya ' ( J 8 I. ill. 13 ), *dukfiifS ’ ( J 8 X, iii, 45, 47 ) ,
‘ adhvaryu * ( J 8 X. ill 63. 1
l!). V, GARGE
.♦ II. 26-3
IX. i. 8
III. 30-5»d
• ••
IX. 1-6, 9
( from the T^irukta )
»VII. 32-22^^
« * •
IX. i. 7
*Vra. 17-8
IX. i. 6, 9
VIII. 77-4
IX. i. 6
♦X. 18-1'
IX. i, 9
*X. 47-l»
IX. i. 6. 9
X, 75-9«
IX. i. 9
( from the Tixrukta)
X. 89-10
...
IX. i. 7, 9
X. 94-2
...
IX. i. 9
( from the Tiirukta)
X. 116-7
IX. i. 6
( from the Tiirukta)
RV
*VI. 75-l»»
Group III
JS
I. iii. 2
*X. iv. 1'
• ••
I. iii. 2
RV
*1. i. 1»
• • •
Group IV
JS’
II. i. 35
1. 1-2*
» • •
II. 1. 35
*1. 2-4c
11. i. 33
*1, 24-ll«
• ♦ •
II. i. 32
1. 116-3*
• ••
II. i. 33
*1. 164-34W
• 99
ir. i. 32
*1. 164-35*
« • •
II. i. 32
V. 43-3C
III. V. 37
VI. 28-3
• 99
II. i. 30
*VII. 41-20
II. i. 33
VIII. 21-180
II. i. 33
*VIII. 44-16*
• 9 9
II. i. 32, 33
*VIII. 75-6*>
• # •
I. ii. 23
*X. 90-16**>
• • •
I. ii. 2 and II.
i. 33
X. 94-20
• ••
III. V. 37
X. 117-5*
9 9 9
II. i. 33
♦X. 117-6*
II. i. 33
X. 119-1*
9 9 9
II. i. 33
*X. 129-5‘>
• ••
II. i. 33
...
List of Abbreviations,
JS Purva-Mimamsa Sutras of Jaimini.
RV — Rgveda.
TS — Taittiriya Samhita.
TB — Taittiriya Brahmai^a.
VS — Vajasancyi Samhita,
_^B — Satapatha Brahmaija,
ApS — Apastamba-Srauta-Sutra.
DID SABARA BELONG TO THE MAITRAYANIYA
SCHOOL OF THE YAJURVEDA?*
By
D. V. Garge
§ 1. In his exposition of the Purva-Miinahisa Sutras, Sahara cites
for discussion or illustration, nearly 2000 (two thousand ) passages
culled from the entire mass of Vedic texts belonging to various
sakhas ot ‘schools’. The sources of nearly 1000 of these citations
were easily identifiable. The writer’s long and assiduous attempt to
trace the remaining passages to their exact sources has succeeded
to the extent of 400 passages. Nevertheless there remain over 200
citations that have so far defied all such attempts and hence can be
reasonably supposed to have been quoted from some Vedic texts lost
to us. The rest are repetitions.
§ 2. My investigations have further revealed that Sahara has
taken over some adhikaranas bodily from earlier works like
the Nirukta^ and has even copied some quotations occurring in the
Vrtti^, the earliest known commentary on the Jaimini-Sutras, the
existence of which is to be inferred only from these very quotations
and other references to it by Sahara, although he himself could
have selected other passages for his discussions. It is therefore
difficult to judge at this stage whether an individual illustration is
Sahara’s own or borrowed from the Vrtti or such other older works
by his predecessors as the latter are not available to us.
§ 3. Leaving aside these difficulties, that await solution, out of
question for the present, we shall limit our inquiry to those
passages that have been traced to known sources. Passages from
the two Samhitas — the RV and the SV and their Brabmapas and
KalpasStras are few in number and on examination are found to be
of no significance, so far as the present problem is considered.
Passages from the Yajurveda Samhitas and their related texts,
* lam deeply indebted to Professor Dr. V. M. APTK for his valuabie sugaes>
tions inoonneotioa with this article.
* Videl^aberaonJ8I.i. 5; I.ii.31,4l5 VI.iiL24; IX.i.6,»; X. 17.34;
2L rUi. 35.
‘ Sea Sahara on JS IL i. 32. 33 ; II. liL 10. The author of thif VfM was
probably Upavarfa.
330
D. V. GARGE
however, are found in the Bhasya in overwhelming numbers. The
obvious reason for this preference is that discussions regarding
sacrificial ritual which is the predominant theme of the Yajurveda
form the very subject-matter of the Purva-Mimamsa. Of the
Yajurveda, only six Samhitas have come down to us : (i) The
Taittiriya Samhita ( TS ), (ii) The MaitrayanI Samhita ( MS ),
(iii) The Kathaka Samhita ( KS ), (iv) The Kapisthala (-Kafha)
Samhita ( KapS. ), (v) The Vajasaneyi Madhyamdina Samhita
(VS) and (vi) The Vajasaneyi Kanva Samhita ( VSK ). The
first four belong to the Krsna Yajurveda and the remaining
two to the Sukla Yajurveda. Of these six, again, the TS, the MS.
anJ the VS have each their own individual style and arrange-
ment of topics. The KS and the KapS closely agree with the
MS ; while the VSK is nothing but the VS, except for a few altera-
tions in words here and there. Npw, the Yajurveda citations in the
Bhasya are chiefly from the texts of the Taittiriya SchooP as that
Sakka possesses the most exhaustive and commonly quoted texts
on Vedic ritual. Next in order, come those from the texts of the
Maitrayaniya School. The number of quotations from the remain-
ing Yajurveda texts is negligible, being about thirty -five in all.* As
regards borrowings from the Maitrayaniya texts which number
nearly 60, fifty-three passages are taken almost verbatim from the
Maitrayaniya texts and are not found elsewhere, while seven are
traced to the texts of the other schools also. Of these fifty-three
passages again twenty passages deserve our special consideration
because it is in these that we detect Sahara's peculiar leanings towards
the Maitrayaniya School. In all these twenty citations, Sahara
prefers the Maitrayaniya readings to those in the texts of other
Yajurveda Schools. The evidence of context and the results of a
comparison of the Maitrayaniya readings with the readings in the
texts of other sdkhds in each particular case make it almost certain
that the partiality for the Maitrayaniya recension is not merely
accidental.
§ 4. The following typical instances illustrate this partiality.
Under JS IV. iii. 1., it is established that a .^ruti-statement of
the rewards following from the acts of the nature of ‘refinement*
( samskdra ), is to be treated as a commendatory passage {artha-
^ The BSbar&-bh38ye has nearly one thousand passages quoted from the
various texts of the Taittiriya School.
* About ten from other Yajurveda SaibhitSs, and about twenty-five from the
Satapatha BrShmapa.
DID SAHARA BELONG TO THE MAlTRAYANtYA SCHOOL ? 331
vada). As an example, Sahara cites the passage, ^
fen ^ .... evidently
from some Yajurveda text. Now it is found in an absolutely identical
foim in MS 3. 6. 2. Other Yajurveda texts read the. same passage
differently. For example, we have
3i5gH m qri?5*^qf?f[q«4 . . . ( KS 22 . 13 ) .
fRf qq^, f^f5=?icr, fm qi qqi cqn^TIf
(TS 6. 1. 1. 2) and ^ 1 3 ^fqiq«i
{ SB 3. 1. 2. 2 ).
It will be seen from among these four passages which could
equally have served thc^ purpose of illustrating the proposition of
the present adhikarana, Sahara chooses the one from the Maitrayani
Samhita rejecting all others — even the one from the TS, although
that Samhita has been copiously drawn upon by Sahara in his
Bhasya as noted above.
§ 5. Similarly, under JS III. ii. 20 which deals with the
problem as to whether the use of certain ydjya and anuvakyd
mantras is peculiar only to the Kdmyestis or is common to all
aindrdgna sacrifices, Sahara illustrates the point with the help of
just those mantras of the aindragna istis which are prescribed in the
MS (4. 11. 1). Further he explains the significance of the above
satra in the light of the very ritual context which is seen in the
MS^ Thus here also, Sahara quotes and has in mind inly the
Maitrayatiiya text or texts rather than their counterparts in the
TS (1. 1. 13), and the KS (4. 15), which would have equally served
his purpose. The remaining eighteen passages which betray the
same tendency of the author, have been recorded in the table
appended at the end.
§ 6, Again it is to be noted that of these twenty passages from
the MS, sixteen are cited as the visayavdkyas of different adhikaranas
for initiating lital propositions rather than for merely corroborating
them.
/
8 7. The way in which Sahara mentions the Maitrayaijiyas
under JS II. iv. 31 is worth consideration. When he has to refer
to a Vedic Sakha which describes the procedure of a ritual with-
out expressly laying down the principal injunction which is undet'
stood by implication ( e. g. that regarding the prayajas in the
* Vide the last pars of s'sbara-lihBfya on JS III. ii, 20.
332
D. V. GARGE
present instance ) Sahara at once names the Sakha if that Vedic
Sakha happens to be the Maitrayanlya, but he simply uses the vague
term 'yesatn sakhimm', if the sakha meant by him is other than the
Maitrayanlya. This evidence is weighty when considered along
with that furnished by the many passages pointed out above and
in Appendix, which indicate Sahara’s partiality for the Maitraya*
niya School.
§ 8. We now pass on to two passages which are almost of a
decisive character in judging Sahara’s own Sakha.
(a) The Vedic passages discussed under JS IV. i. 7. are
It is true that these two passages have no parallel in the MS, KSi
KapS, or VS, but are found in TS 2. 3. 9 only. Now in the course
of a discussion regarding the Sdngrahim isti, there arises an occasion
to refer to the ' paridhi ' mantras that are recited in connection with
it and which as Sahara says, are sandwiched between the above two
passages. Naturally we expect that the TS-reading of the ‘paridhi’
mantras should be preferred by Sahara in his citation of them, but
curiously enough, Sahara quotes them in the Maitrdyani form
though the injunctive passages (between which the ‘paridhi’
mantras are said to be sandwiched) are totally wanting in the
texts of that school, but are traced as seen above to the TS ! The
very fact that he goes out of his way to cite the MS>reading and
rejects the TS-reading which had the first claim to be cited, shows
that the Maitrayani version of the 'paridhi' mantras was uppermost
in his mind and it is not unreasonable to suppose from this that it
was so because he had so learnt them in his own recension.
(b) Sahara quotes under JS III. iv. 10 (a) *11^ 3T*F51?rT,
(b) (c) FF^r# (d) (e) 3^“^
fTcT. The same passage occurs in the TS except for the part
‘ udicim asvardh ' instead of which we meet with ‘ udicim rudrdh ’ in
the TS (6. 1 . 1 . 1.). The KS (22. 13 ) has a parallel only for the part
which assigns the devas to the 'prdcY ( as in the TS ) and says
nothing about the other directions. The KapS has no parallel for
the above passage. The SB (3. 1. 1. 6-7) which ha s a similar passage
allots ‘ prdci ' to the devas, ' daksind ' to the pitrs, 'praiici to the
sarpas and 'udici to the manusyas. So far, the four possible sources
discussed above say nothing about the asuras and their being
assigned to the ‘udici’ which is the gist of part (d) of the Bhasya-
passage. Which was then the text which Sahara had in mind and
which alone mentions the osttra-category referred to, in that part
DID SAHARA BELONG TO THE MAURAYANIYA SCHOOL? 333
of the Bhasya-passage ? As our previous arguments have led us to
expect, it is the MS which Sahara is thinking of. The MS reads as
follows : f Knf ^ fRt
^^5’^ &c. &c. It is this passage alone which
mentions the asuras as a category of beings who share the various
quarters among themselves. Thus, although the Bhasya-passage as
a whole is borrowed from the TS, the special modification of the
TS passage feund in (d) which introduces the novel category of the
asuras, is due to the influence of the MS alone.
Another important point in connection with the same passage
is the following : Sahara starts by quoting from the TS, but
suddenly diverges in the part (d) where he mentions a different
'assignment of the quarters'. As noted above he prefers the MS
version, but the way in which this preference is stated and his
manner of referring to the views of the TS and the MS are
almost decisive. The . MS-version of part (d) in the TS is
appended the TS-version of the previous parts (a), (b) (c)
and the composite passage thus formed is given the dignity of the
source-passage, whereas the TS-version of (d) which automatically
followed the parts (a), (b) and (c) which have been borrowed
unchanged from the TS, is described as the view of ‘ others ’
( aparesdm ) of whom he either does not approve or ( shall we not
say ) who belonged to a Vedic sakhd other than his own. The
displacement of the TS-reading by the Maitrayani reading serves
no argumentative purpose so far as the Mimamsa top'.c under
discussion is concerned and can be accounted for only on the
reasonable assumption that Sahara was a follower of the Maitrayaniya
School.
List of Abbreviations.
JS — ■ Purva-MImamsa Sutras of Jaimini.
RV — Rgveda Samhita.
SV — Samaveda Samhita.
TS — Taittiriya Samhita.
MS — Maitrayani Samhita.
KS — Kathaka &mhita.
KapS — Kapisthala-Kapha Samhita.
VS — Vajasaneyi Madhyathdina Samhita.
VSK — Vajasaneyi Kai}va Samhita.
TB — 'Taittiriya Brahmai^a.
SB — Satapatha Brahmai^.
Ap^ — Apastamba Srauta-SHtta,
MS — MSnava Srauta-SGtra.
9
— Appendix —
A Ck>mparatiye Table of citations in the &bara-bhs^a, with their possible sources in the varioos Yajurreda
SaihhitSs, betraying the author’s decisive preference for the Maitrayanlya Samhita [see §5.
334
D. V. GARGE
r ^
Sabara-bhSsya Maitrayam ^khs Kathaka ^kha • Taittiriya Sakha Vajasaneyi
^ ^ 11 #T'n^^^5qsqH 11 ^ 11 ^ hMt-
«?: #i I m ^ sriJfih i i m i
III. iv. 36 MS 2. 2. 13 ‘ KS 11. 1 TS 2. 3. 2. 6
DID ^BARA BELONG TO THE MAITRAYAnIyA SCHOOL? 33?
^ ^ MS 3. 6. 2
-bhJteya Maitrayanl Sakha Kathaka ^kba Taittiriya ^kha Yajasaneyi
338
D. V. GARGE
DID SABARA BELONG TO THE MAITRAYANIYA SCHOOL? 339
AN EXAMINATION OF VARIANTS IN LATER SAMHITAS OF
MANTRAS CITED BY PRAtTkAS IN THE AITAREYA
BRAHMANA AND NOT TRACED TO THE RGVEDA
By
P. K. Narayana Pillai
Mantras cited by prattkas in the Aitareya Brahtnaiia and not
traced to the Rgveda were edited and investigated into from
historical and ritualistic points of view in a paper* published in the
Bulletin of the Deccan College Postgraduate and Research Institute
( Vol. Ill, pp. 489-530 ) by the ptesent writer. This examination
of the variants of these pratika-mantras in the AB is intended to
be a supplement to that paper. For reasons stated in my former
paper\ the A^valayana Srauta version of the marAras is accepted as
the basis for discussion and these mantras and their readings are
referred to in the present paper as ‘our verses or mantras' and ‘our
readings’.
Of the forty-two pratika-mantras in the AB, thirty-seven are
traced to one or more of the later Samhitas, four are traced to
Brahmainias other than the AB, and one only remains untraced to
the Samhitas or other Brahmanas.
Twenty-three of our mantras are found in the AV and of these
thirteen are not traced to any other Samhitas. Only three of
our mantras (VI, XXIII and XXXIV ) appear without any text-
variation in the AV. I have classified the text-variants in the
remaining twenty verses into four divisions as they mainly concern
grammar, phonetics, exegesis and metre. I give below a classified
list of these variants accompanied by critical remarks on them.
I. Variants which Concern Grammar (Tables Nos. Ill to VI)
(a) The Verb Variants. (Table No. Ill) 1. The first variation
for 5 ^ is only an interchange between two formations of the
same tense. In the AV, we meet very often with the form
* This paper among others secured for the writer a student of Dr. V. M. AfTE
the Travanoore Unirersity Oold medal for Vedio Research for the year 1942-43.
t See BDCRI 3'491. The abbreviations of works cited in this paper
are the same as those used therein.
VARIANTS OF MANTRAS IN AB. 341
instead of of the parallel passages in other Samhitas.’ The
Paippalada recension of the AV, and other Samhitas like VS, TS,
MS, and KS have the form ^ as in our verse. Moreover the AV
variant spoils the metre of the verse. So the readinj? in our verse
can be considered as the original one. 2-5. Four of the verb-variants
are instances of present indicative in interchange with imperative.
In these instances it is extremely difficult to decide which reading
is older and more genuine. The later text-makers have very
often employed this device of altering the earlier text, and this
they could do conveniently for such alterations do not in any way
affect the sense, structure or the metre of the verses concerned. I
think that our reading can be the genuine one for, even though
the AV has the variant ^ the Ppp. preserves our reading. 6. The
verbal form for out arre is rather impossible. 7. For our imperfect
indicative the AV uses the subjunctive This variant
of the AV by itself does not considerably change the sense of the
verse nor spoil its metre. But, taken as a whole, the AV variants
in the pada in which the verb occurs will appear to be rather
corrupt and hence later ( see discussion on variants affecting exege-
sis and metre ). 8. The active verb in the first poda of our
thirty-first verse is substituted in the A^ by the middle form.
This causes considerable difference in the sense of the poda. While
our pada means that he (Vai^vanara) has shaped all things the AV
version of the pdda with the variants ( for our ' ^>7 ) and
would mean that he shaped himself into all things. Tne lattW
appears to be a later thought about the creation of the universe in
Vedic literature.
(b) VARIATIONS IN CASE ( Table No. IV. )
1. The AV has the dative instead of the genitive in our
version. • The pada *1^: appears to yield a better
sense than the AV version of the same. Moreover this variant in
the vgl. AV is unmetrical. The Ppp. also shows variants in this
pdda but they are quite consistent with the metrical ruks. These
facts show the AV-variant is a later corruption of the original
word in our text.
2. If we are to accept the reading of the AV instead
of our ? 5 »n the ablative will have to be construed as
a For suob paasagoa aee Bixxjxnxu) and EsdBeTOH, TAo Vedie
Vartantt, MS.
10
342
P. K, NARAYANA PILLAI
causal. But WHITNEY adopts the reading of our version while S.P.
Pandit's edition gives the other reading. The commentary of the
AV also accepts our reading ^ and WHITNEY points out that the
same reading is- found in one or two AV manuscripts. This varia*
tion which is not recorded in the Vedic Concordance, is pointed out
in the l^edic Variants, and therein it is suggested that the anomal-
ous of the AV can be the result of graphical misapprehension.^
So, on the whole, this reading of the AV can be adjudged to be
corrupt.
3. The AV reading instead of our may appear to be
more correct for the adnominal which precedes the word is primarily
and most commonly connected with the locative. But sir when used
adnominally is found to follow the case regularly. Moreover sn
is also used with accusative generally meaning ‘ to ‘ upon to
express the goal with verbs of motion.* So the accusative can
hardly be condemned.
4. The AV substitutes the locative in our text by sir^
the accusative. In this interchange of locative and accusative it is
hardly possible to fix the original one.
5. Instead of in our verse, there occurs in the same
o
context in the AV. In our verse we have to take it as an adjective
of ^i^irr specifying the particular kind of the recitation. But in the
AV version of the verse is a noun. So our and
gf^ in the AV may be taken as corresponding to each other and
this is a case of instrumental of cause and locative serving the same
purpose. About the in the AV version for which there is no
cortesponding word in our verse WHITNEY remarks that , no stem
am^an is found anywhere else.^
6. The ablative has the genitive variant in the
AV. But this does not vary the sense or metre of the verse
concerned.
(c) Variation in case-endings. (Table No. V.)
The two variants ifl and for our and arERftgi respec-
tively have ^ as the dual ending instead of an. ‘ In the RV, in
» Jfctd., 3-287.
4 M^onosnx, Vedie Grammar, p. 491.
• WaiTMlT, Tranalation of tha AV, 1-307.
VARIANTS OF MANTRAS IN AB.
343
general, and especially in its oldest parts, a is found before vowels.*
So our text contains more archaic forms and hence may be taken
as more genuine.
The AV variants : for our on the very face of it
appears to be a later one. The variants of the instrumental plural
endings ‘ais’ and 'ebhis' though not very numerous, occur in the
Vedic text and ' In most of them ‘ais' is substituted for an original
'ebhis'.’’ Sometimes certain Vedic texts adopt the form ending in
'ais' even spoiling the metre by curtailing the pada in which it is
used, by one syllable. But in this particular instance the AV makes
up for the deficiency by adding a patch -word 4} at the beginning of
the pada.
(d) Variation in number (. Table No. VI ).
The variant in the A V instead of in our verse does not
effect any real change in the meaning for it can be taken as a
generic singular. This is only a common type of textual variation
we meet with in the Vedic literature and there is no means in this
instance to judge which can be the more genuine one. Same is the
case with the variants in our verse and in the AV version
of the same.
(e) Our reading instead of in the AV is support-
ed by the Rgvedic pada ( RV 1. 8-101> )
II. Phonetic Variants. ( Table No. VII ).
1. Our dative has the parallel f^i the derivative ad-
jective in the AV. The meaning of the verse with which these
variants are connected is very nebulous and none of the variants
help in any greater degree the interpretation of the word. But
since the Ppp. also has the reading just like the A^ we may
infer that this is the original reading.
2. In the place of in our text the AV -vcrsion has
Here we .see the nominal suffixes m and v are interchanged.
The history of this phonetic interchange appears to be rather con-
fused. but it is generally held that in pre-historic forms m occurred
after the immediately preceding u-vowels especially in the case of
” Blooufield and Edoertok, op . eit ., 3*51.
’ /Wd, 3.69.
d44
P. K. NARAYANA PILLAI
the suffix Moreover the Ppp. version has the form exactly
similar to that in our version of the verse. So it is quite probable
that our form was the original one,
3. Another variant of phonetic significance in the AV is
for our This is a variation by converting a surd
into a sonant. WHITNEY takes the AV form as a corruption of our
word. ’ In the Vedic variants also this is classified as a case of the
primary t being changed to secondary d. So in this instance also
our reading may be taken as the original one.
4. Most probably the form in our text is a corruption of
(with the aspirate tk) in the AV,
5. Instead of in the second pada of our thirteenth
verse the AV has without the liquid r. The relati'^'ely faint
pronunciation of the liquid can be the cause for this phonetic
variation. Our reading is doubtless thet more genuine one.^^
6. The variants and show a phonetic phenomenon
of the suffixal ya following and not following two consonants. In
this case also the Ppp. agrees with our text.
III. Variants of exegetical importance. (Table No. VIII).
1, The AV variant for our WfiHjqrj; affords a case of
interchanging roots of the same meaning. Both the roots and
are used in the Vedic language and are connected with similar
roots in other Indo-European languages. So there is hardly any
standard to judge their comparative genuineness in their employ-
ment in this particular instance.
2. The variants (from gd to go) and mq (from gai to sing )
have entirely different roots. The AV variant r\\^ can be the later
one for the following reasons
(a) In the first pdda of our verse XXVII the verb qiq is
already there and the substitution of arqrfjj by it will result in a
« Ibid ., 2.122.
® Whitney, op. oit., 1*437.
Bloomfield and Edqerton, op. cit. 2.36.
“ Whitney, op . idt .. 1.437, also see Bloomfield and Edqertor,
op . cit , 2*54.
Whitney, op . cit . 1.438.
VARIANTS OF MANTRAS IN AB. M5
repetition of the same verb. Moreover the reading is deci-
dedly a better one from an ezegetical point of view.
(b) The SV has the same reading as our text.
3. The AV has for in the second pada of the
*
verse parallel to our thirty-eighth verse. These variants have diffe-
rent roots and the variant in our text suits the verse in a better
manner.
4-5. Tne words in the second line of our verse VIII and
^ in the second pada of our verse IX have no corresponding
words in the AV version of the verses. But this does not affect the
meaning of the verses to a considerable degree.
6. Same is the case with the pronoun (found in the begin-
ning of the second pada of the AV verse 7.25.1) which has no
correspondent in the AS.
7. It is quite possible that our nn: was substituted by in
the AV because of the word in the same pada.
8. The AV substitute of our fits in equally well with
the spirit and metre of the verse.
9. The fourth pada of the vgl. AV verse 7.73.6 which is
parallel to our twelfth verse is entirely different from that of ours.
But in the Ppp. recension of the AV the pada is seen exactly
identical with ours. Moreover our pada gives a more natural end-
ing to the verse. On our pada WHITNEY has the remark that ‘This
seems most likely to be the true ending of the verse. ’
10. The interchange of the two expressions and
respectively in our text and in the AV is rather imma-
terial. In our text the verb has two objects and it is proba-
ble that one of them ( * 1 ^ ) was dropped in the AV and the
vocative 1^: was inserted instead.
11. The AV variant 7 ?: instead of our qsl: is decidedly an
artificial one, for the verse is connected with the gharma offering
both in the Rgvedic and the Atharvana traditions. Moreover the
epithet is more suitable to than to
»» Ibid., 1-307.
Ibid., 1.438.
346
P. K. NARAYANA PILLAI
12. With regard to the interpretation of the verse neither of
the readings nor is better than the other. But that
can be the original reading so far as our verse is concerned is
shown while the passage in which the word occurs is compared
with a similar passage from the RV. ( see BDCRI 3-508 ).
13. The compound word in our text has the corres-
ponding in the AV. In the AV we have got to take
as a noun ( meaning skill ) and in our text either as a proper
name or as an epithet ( meaning skilful ) of pitrs.
14-15. The variant for our is decided-
ly corrupt. According to WHITNEY our twenty-second verse has
* important and in part preferable variants especially in the second
line, where they read amadannemm istayah and ramate for kra-
mate'}^ Haug condemning the readings of the AV version of the
verse says that ‘ the readings of the Atharvaveda are corrupt ; for
it will be impossible to make out the sense of the mantra from its
text presented in the Atharva veda but it may be done from that
one given in the A^valayana Sutras.**
16. Instead of the relative clause ‘4l flip'll qjj; in the
AV ( 6. 1. 2 ) out text based on the AS has
evidently, an easier reading. In the Vedic Variants it is pointed
out that ‘ The relative clause is here original ; AS compresses it
into an epithet, and necessarily alters sunuh also to smum}’’ It is
very diflficult to comment on such variants with any precision, for
they are rather very rare.*® But viewed from the point of view of
metre the A^ version appears to be better.
17. The expression in AV. 6. 1. S'* for which
there is no parallel in our text is undoubtedly an improvisation of
the text-maker of the vgl, AV for the following reasons :
(a) the first two lines of the verse are mere adaptations of
RV VII. 45. 3*** and the expression is not to be found in this
Rgvedic hemistich ( see BDCRI 3-507) (b) The Ppp. reading
agrees with the Rgveda and the AS. (c) This addition spoils the
gayatri metre.
Ibid., 1-398-9.
Haua, Tramlation of the AB, p. 208.
»» Bloomfield and Edqerton, op. cit., 3-170.
** In the Vedie Variantt only this single instance is given under a
separate group of variants between nominative and aoousative.
VARIANTS OF MANTRAS IN AB.
347
18. The pada ^ in our verse ( XXIX) has many
variants and it is quite natural for it is an addition of the later
authors to the first two pddas formed by modifying a Rgvedic
hemistich. The AV variant 5 *nfi% appears to stand
racber detached from the other two r^idas and is not metrical The
Ppp. reading jipf instead of removes the metrical difficulty
and gives a better sense i. e. ( stir ) both praises to be sung. On
the whole, T thinR the AS reading yields better meaning and
reflects more poetic excellence ( see BDCRI 3’508 ).
19. Our word has two variants, in the SV and qij
in the AV and to judge which is the original reading is hardly
possible.
20. The variants and qif being associated with sacri-
fice and things connected therewith equally fit in with the verse.
21. The variation between in our text, ^ in the vgl.
AV and in the Ppp. is only immaterial,
IV. Variants which affect metre. (Table No. IX),
1. With our reading the verse in which it occurs is a
tristubh without any flaw in metre. In other Samhitas including
the Ppp. and in the SS. the metre of the verse is not hampered
in any way and our reading is maintained. The anukramant of the
A V defines the verse as a bhurij due to the superfluous syllable
caused by the variant in the vgl. AV 2.
2. The AV anukramam classifies the verse ( AV. 4. 1. 1 ) in
which the reading parallel to our qit: occurs as puronustubh.
But the verse, I think, was originally a tristubh with instead
of for all other ghartna verses cited in the AB and traced to
the Nakula hymn are tristubhs. In addition to this we see that
out of the se>'en verses in the AV hymn 4. 1. five are tristubhs. The
other verse which is also classified as puronustubh, I think, will very
well pass for a tristubh. Under these circumstances the probabi-
lity is that the verse was originally a tristubh as seen in the and
the AV — variant which begins in an additional syllable spoils the
metre.^’
The faot that the version in the Ppp. in spite of its textual
variation does not transgress the rules of tristubh metre lends a support
to this view.
348
P. K. NARAYANA PILLAI
. 3. The AV verse ( 7. 14. 1 ) parallel to our verse IX drops the
word ^ found in the latter. Since the original tristubh verse
appears to have been extended at a later time it is rather difficult to
decide whether the absence or the presence of the word is consis-
tent with the metrical harmony of the verse. With the word the
verse can be taken as an aticchandas as pointed out by the SB, and
without it as an asti as defined by the BrhD ( See BDCBJ 3*500 ).
4. The AV verse 7,14.4 which is parallel to our verse XXII, is
a jagatt according to the amkramant of the AV. But the third pada
of the AV-version has only ten syllables and this is due to the
variant instead of our which is a better
reading from other points of view also.
5. AV 6.1.2 is defined as piptltka-madhya-pura-usnik in the
anukramam. This inconvenience and irregularity in metre I think
is caused by the variant ^ instead of in
the AS. The AB prescribes the hymn of three verses in which the
mantra occurs for recitation along with the gdyatns RV. Ill,
62.10-11, and this affords an indication that the verse was originally
in the gayatn metre as it appears in the AS.
6. The first two lines of our verse XXIX, parallel to the AV
verse 6.1.3. are shown to be an adaptation of the first half a Rgvedic
verse (See above pp.) While in the AS version we get two gdyatri
pddas made out of the hemistich of the Rg-verse by curtailing two
words one from each pdda we see the vgl. AV creates some confu-
sion in the metre by adding to the adaptation of the
Rgvedic passage.
7. With in the place of out the third pada of
the AV-verse 6.1.3 which is parallel to our verse XXIX, has nine
syllables. But the Ppp. version with the variant gnij has only
eight syllables in the last pdda. Whitney suggests that the verse
in the AV is a spoiled gdyatri.^ Our verse XXIX is probably the
original one.
This critical examination of the variants between our verses
and the parallel ones in the AV from various points of view brings
to light the following facts.
1. The variants introduced by the text-makers of the AV either
deliberately or fortuitously, are, as a rule, later and currupt, the only
a« WHlTmST, op. eit„ 1-282.
VARIANTS OF MANTRAS IN AB. 349
clear exception being the AV variant which 'ts phonetically more
genuine than m the A^.
2. In many cases where the Vgl. AR disagrees with our mantras
of the^gvedic tradition chronicled in the A^ the Ppp. is found to agree
with them. ^ In view of these facts it may be assumed more or less
that our mantras which are found in AV were borrowed, adapted
and sometimes mutilated by the latter. And by this borrowing,
the AV has only added to its indebtedness to the mantras of the
Rgvedic school. So it is almost clear that these mantras even
though recorded fully in a comparatively late text on rituals like
the AS, they are not in any way later than the compilation of the
AV ; on the other hand they were so popular at the time of the
compilation of the AV as to be borrowed like any other hymns or
verses which are collected in our RV.
The Sama Veda contains eight of our verses, and of these, four
are not traced to any other Samhita. Five verses are found in the
SV exactly in the same form as the AS and the remaining three
show some variants. See Table No. X.
1. Corresponding to our ^ the SV has and Ppp. has nBlj
but the vgl. AV retains the same word. The SV variant is taken
as a present participle from the root ga to sing in GRIFFITH’S
translation. This form with the suffixal m is not used in the RV.
2-3. Our thirty-first verse and SV II. 1059 have to padas in
common but the order of their succession is not the same. The first
pddas of the verses are entirely different as shown in the list of
variants above. The second pada of the SV, verse has instead
of w, in the third pdda of our verse. In these variations AV 6.36.2
agrees fully with our verse. It is quite probable that the verse in
the SV, and our verse had a common source, but there is hardly any
conclusive evidence to fix the original.
4. The SV and VS have the variant for in our
O s9
thirty-fifth verse. The epithet is seen applied to qwg once
in the RV ( VIII. 13. 20 ) as in our verse
Lanman in his introduction ( o. LXXX ) to WHITNEY’S translation of
the Atharva Veda has pointed out that ' at V.2*8 and XIV.1*22» the
Eaashmirian recension agrees with the l^yeda as against the Vulgate/ This
affinity of the Ppp. not only to the extent RV but also to the other
mantras belonging to the Rgvedi.o tradition deserves systematic investigation*
11
350
P. K. NARAYANA PILLAI
These variants in the SV version of our three verses give us
little evidence to prove whether the SV borrowed from these
verses from the Rgvcdic tradition or vice versa. The SV being a
collection of songs particularly intended for musical recitation on
the occasion of rituals it is not likely that these verses were taken
from it for ordinary use in rituals. Moreover about 96 per cent of
the SV verses are borrowed from our Rgveda, So it is not im-
probable that these eight verses of ours were copied from the
l^gvedic tradition of mantras and incorporated into the SV by its
compilers.
In the VS are found eleven of our mantras, eight without
any variants and three with the following variants.
No.
Our verse No.
Our Reading
vs
VS-Reading
1
X
^ 3TFm
20-55
Iff;''
2
XXXIV
1
33-92
W.
3
XXXV
1
12-118
\
Of these eleven verses, not less than seven are either preceded or
succeeded or both in the VS by verses found in our Rgveda. This
may indicate that these seven verses at least were borrowed from
the Rgvedic tradition by the Vajasaneyins.
The TS contains seven of our verses, three in precisely the
same form and four with some variants.
** The Rsme variation ia noticed in the MS and ES.
* This variant ooours in the BY also.
VARIANTS OF MANTRAS IN AB. ^1
No.
Our verse Na
Our Reading j
TS
TS-Reading
1
Mil
2.3.14.6
nil
2
vm
-do-
3
IX
1.2.6.1
4
IX
■STlHiql:
-do-
5
XVII
1
1.6.12.2
1, This dropping of the word without introducing another
patch word has spoiled the metre of the verse. That is to say that
the second pada of the tristubh verse has only nine syllables instead
of eleven, due to this omission. 2. The variant for our
is not in any way a misfit to the verse in which it occurs, but it may
be noted that the other Vedic texts AV and KS agree with our
version of the verse in this respect. 3. It is pointed out elsewhere
that our verse IX was originally a jagati and it was extended at a
later time. So if we accept the TS variant for our
( also found in the Khila collection, AV, SV and KS) satya will
have to be split into satia while reading and the portion
^ will have to be considered as a later extension of the second
pada of the verse.’* It appears the form is grammatically
more correct. With the reading the definition of the
verse as asti in the BrhD becomes thoroughly baseless. So I think
the reading is genuine. 4. the TS has the isolated variant
for our aiWi: which is seen in the other Samhitas also. The
stem oni is the regular one.® 5. This variant of the entire second
pada of our verse XVII also stands isolated. Other texts like the
MS and KS in which the verse occurs agree with our versioa
Kbith, Tramlation of the Veda of the Black Yajus School, 145, fa,
Bloomfield and Edqerton. op. cit, 2429.
3^2 P. K. NARAT?A^jA i»iLtAi
The variants in the TS discussed are found to be either misfits
to the verses or isolated. The setting of the verses^ in the TS
shows that they were grouped with the ^gveda verses. Our
verses HI. XXXIII and XXXVI found in TS 1. 5. 11. which Con-
tains 18 yajya and purotaivctkya mantras. Of these 14 are traced to
the extant RV, three are our mantras and remaining one at the
end of this group of mantras can be a YV — mantra as it is found
only in the other Samhitas of the YV — school. Our verse XVII
included in a group of 19 mantras of which only three are not in
our l^gveda. This inclusion of these mantras in mantra-groups
constituted almost of verses from the Rgveda and the fact they are
preceded or succeeded or both by the RV verses do show that the
mantras were most probably copied from the Rgvedic school.
Fourteen mantras are traced to the MS and four of them do
not occur in any other Samhita. There is complete textual agree- .
ment between five of our mantras and their parallels in the MS
and the variations in the remaining eight arc enlisted below :
Table No. I
No.
Our verse
No.
Our reading
MS.
MS. Reading
1
IX
1. 2. 5
( Same in the TS )
2
X
3. 11. 3
( Same in the VS
and KS )
3
XVII
1 4. 12. 2
( Same in the KS )
4
XIX
4. 13. 4
5
19
9y
6
1}
If
dropped
7
8
XX
V
nil
> Same iii the KS
9
99
am
»
nil )
10
XXXVI
3. 16.4
11
XXXIX
4. 11. 4.
12
99
If
13
XL
11
14
91
11 .
15
XLL
4. 10. 2 1
01%
•• Of our seven verses found in the TS three are already traced to
the Khilas and so the enquiry is confined to the remaining four verses.
VARIANTS OF MANTAAS IN AB. 3^
Hardly any conclusion can be drawn based on these variants.
But it is clear that the readings in our text do not in any way suffer
by comparison with those in the MS. Linguistically they can cer-
tainly be as old as the MS readings, if not older. They do not spoil
the metre nor do they encumber the sense.
The KS contains twelve of our mantras and among them only
one is untraced to any other Saihhita. The following textual
variations are noticed in seven of the mantras while the remaining
five are identical with ours.
Table No. II
No.
Our verse
No.
Our reading
KS.
KS^reading.
1
I
4. 16
2
VIII
10. 13
in the AV
3
4
X
38. 9
5
XVII
8. 16
6
XVIII
37. 9
qiqfiSr
7
XX
16.21
nil
8
n
arqi'T
»>
In the KS just like in the TS and MS the last poida of our verse
XXXVI is substituted by the last pada of XXXVII.
The KS variants are more or less similar to the MS variants.
The variant for our and for our f^i are found
only in the KS. The first is evidently incorrect and the second
appears to be a more convenient reading from an exegetical point
of view.
354
p. K. NARAYANA PILLAl
Variuts which concern grammar. (Table III to VI)
Table No. Ill
(a) Verb variants.
Serial
No.
•Verse No.
Our reading
AV
AV, vgl raiding
I
Ill
7.6.2
2
VII
4. 1. 2
3
n
MW?!
11
4
XIII
7. 73. 5
5
V
11
6
VIII
4. 1. 5!
3!1J
7
XXII
7. 14. 4
8
XXXI
1
c
6. 36. 2
[
Table No. IV
(b) Case-Variants.
Serial
No.
Verse No.
Our reading
AV
j AV. vgl. reading
1
VII
sn%;
4. 1.2
2
IX
7. 14. 2
3
XII
7. 73. 6
4
XXII
atlf^
7. 14. 4
an^
5
XXXVII
6. 35. 2
Yf5»5
6
XXXVIII
i
6. 35. 3
VARIANTS OF MANTRAS IN AB,
355
Table No. V
(c) Variation in case-endings.
Serial
Na
Verse No.
Our reading
AV
1
1 AV, vgl. reading
1
I
XXIII
7. 25. 1
2
»»
tt
3
Table No. VI
(d) Variation in number.
Serial
No.
Verse No.
Our reading
AV
AV, vgl. reading
I
XXII
mjM
2
XXXI
Pbonetical Variants.
Table No. VII
Serial
Na
Verse No.
Our reading
AV
AV, vgl. reading
1
VII
4. 1. 2
ft’xn
2
V
3
XI
gWTO;
7. 73. 1
4
V
»»
I’d}
5
XIII
7. 73. 5
6
VIII
5*^
4. 1.5
396
P. K. NARAYANA PILLAI
Variants of Exe^tical importance.
Tabic No. VIII
Serial
No.
Our Verse
No.
Ourreading
AV
AV. Reading
1
4. 1. 5
2
6. 1. 1
3
XXXVIII
6. 35. 3
c
4
VIII
4. 1.5
nil
5
IX
7. 14. 1
nil
6
XXII
nil
7. 25. 1
7
X
mx
7. 73. 2
8
7»
9
XII
7. 73. 6
10
XIV
7. 73. 4
11
XVI
7. 73. 3
q?r:
12
XVII
7. 14. 3
qiqfifil
13
! XXII
7. 14. 4
14
pq:
11
15
11
16
XXVII
aprf;
6. 1. 1
^ 3iqT;
17
XXIX
nil
6. 1. 3
18
f)
11
19
XXXV
6. 36. 3
20
XXXVIII
6. 35. 3
21
»
VARIANTS OF MANTRAS IN AB.
357
Variants which affect metre.
Table No. IX
Serial
No.
Verse No.
Our reading
AV.
AV. vgl. Reading
1
Hi
7. 6. 2
i
2
VII
<41%:
4. 1.2
3
IX
7. 14. 1
nil
4
XXII
7. 14. 4
5
XXVIII
o
6. 1. 2
6
XXIX
nil
6. 1. 3
7
1
ivig:
Simaveda Variants
Table No. X
Serial
No.
Verse No.
i
Our reading
sv.
Sama Veda Reading
1
XXVII
1. 177
2
XXXI
2. 1059
3
»»
4
1
XXXV
^ 1
!
2. 1060
12
MALIK HAJjrs GARDEN HOUSE INSCRIPTION
( AT AHMADABAD )
By
M. A. Chaghatai
I Malik HSjji one of the great noblea of SultSo MahmQd Begadah of
OujarSt Buooeeded Malik Sha'bSn as TmSdu’l-Mulk but the details of the
life of Malik HSjjl are not easily available. I have pieoed together the
following note from scattered fragments of information gathered from
various sources.]
Malik Sha'ban, entitled Maliku’ sh>Sharq, ‘ImaduT-Mulk and
^Arizu'l-Mamalik, the chief minister of Sultan Qutbu’d-Din Ahmad
Shah ( A. D. 1451-1458 ) of Gujarat, continued to serve as Prime
Minister at the accession to the throne of the latter’s brother,
Sultan Mahmud Begadah^ in A. D. 1458. Soon after, *Azdu’l-Mulk
Kabir SultanI, Safiu’l-Mulk ‘Khizr, Burhanu’l-Mulk ‘Isma’il and
Husamu’UMulk Chhajju, the courtiers of the Sultan, ^ planned to
instal on the throne Hasan Khan, son of Muhammad' Shah, son of
Muzaffar Shah.^ Knowing thoroughly well that their plot could
not succeed as long as 'Imadu’l-Mulk was there, they conspired
against him and reported to the Sultan that he wanted to instal
his own son Shihabu’d-Din on the throne and become independent.
This greatly incensed the Sultan who immediately ordered the
imprisonment of ‘Imadu'LMulk in the tower of the royal residence.^
In the meantime at night Malik Abdullah, the keeper of the
elephant stable revealed the true facts to the Sultan concerning
the plot hatched by the courtiers to instal Hasan Khan as Sultan
in his stead and impressed upon him the desirability of releasing
* HajjHi’d— Dabir, The Arabic History of Oujarat, ad. by Sir E. Deiiison
Boss, London, 1928, p. 14 ( HD ; .
® Ibid., p. 15. But according to the Mirat^iSikandari ( ) ( Persian
text, Bombay, 1903, p. 71 ) these names are as follows Kabiru'd~Din Sultani
surnamed * i^zdu 'l-Mulk, Moulana Ehizri surnamed Safiu'l-Mulk. Chand b.
Isma'il surnamed Burhanu*l-'Mulk and Ehwaja Muhammad surnamed HusSmu'l-
Mulk.
» The MS, p. 72 bears that Habib Khan, the son of Ahmad Shah, the uncle
of the Sultan.
^ Ibid. p. 15. In the MS, it is found thus : * having quarreled with the
Vazir Malik Sha'ban * ImSdu'l-Mulk, set themselves to work the ruin ofbi«
wealth and positions
MALIK HAJJ?S GARDEN HOUSE INSCRIPTION 3^
Malik Sha'ban of whom tbe conspirators were terribly afraid.
Tbe Sultan discussed tbe matter with bis mother and also consulted
some of bis nobles including Malik Hajji, Malik Kalu and one
more,^ wbo were unanimously of opinion that Malik Sba'ban should
immediately be released. As the charge was baseless, tbe conspira*
tors were dealt with severity.^ Malik Sba'ban was released and
restored to his former position which he resigned shortly after and
went into retirement. He could not, however, ei\joy bis well-
earned rest for long and died in A. H. 865^ / A. D. 1460.
On his resignation, Malik Hajji and Malik Kalu were made
'Imadu’l-Mulk and ‘Azudu'l-Mulk in place of Malik Sha'ban
respectively. These were the nobles whom Mahmud Begadah had
consulted regarding the charge against Malik Sha'ban. Though
the local histories of Gujarat do not mention anything concerning
the former before the reign of Mahmud Begadah yet on the autho-
rity of other sources' it may be noted here that in A. H. 842 /
A. D. 1438 when Mahmud Khalji of Mandu issued of the Tarapur
gate, and marched towards Sarangpur, Malik Hajji of Gujarat, who
was guarding the road to Kaital opposed him and attacked the
Mandu force, but was overthrown in tbe first charge and fled. On
joining Sultan Ahmad, he informed the latter that Mahmud Khalji
was marching on Sarangpur. After this incident he appears only
in the reign of Mahmud Begadah who raised him to the position of
‘Imadu’l-Mulk in place of Malik Sha'ban. In A. H. 870, / A. D. 1465
* In the esse of the third person's name MS. p. 72 and HD, p. 15 differ Grom
each other. The former mentions it Malik Isa while the latter Bahu’d-Din.
Bayley in his translation of the MS. p. 161 enters Malik' Ain and Faridi in bis
translation of the same adopts only two persona viz. Muhamad Hajji and Malik
Isa. Perhaps he is the same BahSda'd-Din as noted by HD who had murdered
a trooper of the Sultan and later on being saved by Malik Hajji and others, made
Imadu'l-Mulk.
* Both HD pp. 15-16 and MS. pp. 72-3 give full details which are not
considered necessary to be repeated here.
T H.D.p.17.
* Batlbb, Sir E. CUVB. in bis English translation of the MS. p. 193 has
entered it on the authority of the Tarikh-I-Alfi but in Firishta [ Bombay ed.
Vol. n p. 374 and Tahaqat-i~Akbari ( Eng. Translation, Vol. Ill, p. 504 ) enters
it as Malik Hajji Ali. In Firishta, this place name Eattal entered in the
TarikA-T-Alfi, it is Kanil and in the Tabaqat, Eambal. Briggs Vol. IV. p. 84.
Now a days this Sarangpur is within the Dewas State ( Survey Map 55 ). If
one has to go to Sarangpur from Mandu, I presume, he shall have to go through
Indore crossing, one town 'Elburel* ( Survey Map. 55 B, 2 ) which has met
with so many corruptions.
360 M. A. CHAGHATAI
Mahmud’ proceeded to Ahmadnagar.^’ On the ^ay thither
Bahau’l-Mulk, Alau’l-Mulk, son of Alaf (Ulugh) Khan otherwise
called ‘Alau’d-Din, son of Suhrab, murdered Adam, one of the
Sultan’s troopers, and then fled and hid himself. The Sultan gave
orders to Malik Hajjl ‘Imadu'l-Mulk and Malik Kalu to pursue him
and bring him back. These two nobles searched and actually
found Bahau’l-Mulk,^^ but they, by fraud and falsehood, induced
two soldiers of the army to promise that they would state to the
Sultan that they had committed the crime, and that Bahau’l-Mulk
was innocent. The result will be’, said they, ‘that the Sultan will
send you to prison, but after a few days, at our intercession, he will
set you at liWty*. Those two poor self-accused murderers, without
any reason and without any suspicion, made their confession to the
Sultan, and by his order they were instantly beheaded. Shortly
afterwards the real facts became known, and the Sultan said, 'These
two crafty wicked men have wrongfully caused the death of two
Muhammadans. If I do not put them to death in retaliation of this
murder, what answer shall I give to God Almighty to-morrow on
the Day of Judgment ? ’ So the Sultan ordered that these two
great and wealthy nobles should at the same time suffer the law of
retaliation. Malik Bahau’l-Mulk Ikhtiaru'l-Mulk . was made
‘Imadu’l-Mulk and advanced to the office of wazir’.
Apart from these political activities, Malik Hajji took a keen
interest in the public welfare, I have fortunately been able to trace
the following Arabic inscription from the central meharb of a
recently built mosque in the Pinjra Pol quarter of Ahmadabad. It is
Carved out in relief on a marble slab, measuring about twenty-four
by ten inches. It follows the tradition of the naskhi^^ style of calli-
• MS. p. 86.
Ahmadnagar, the present Himmatnagar, in Idar State, was founded In
AH 829 or 830. It has been a mint town of the Sultans of Gujarat from the
period of Sultan Ahmad I : On coins it appears with an epithet Shahr-i-Humayun
the auspicious town. ( Catalogue of coins of the Sultans of Gujarat in the
Prince of Wales Museum, Bombay, p. 6 Ko. 30 }.
Baylby opcit, 179-180, Historians slightly differ in this particular point
from each other. T. A. Vol. Ill, p. 247-8, says, • Bahau’l-Mulk killed Adam
SelShdSr ( trooper ) without any apparent cause and fled in the country of Idar,
Malik Hsjji and Malik KSlu having gone a part of the way, allowed a falsehood
to enter their miflds and then induced two of the servants of BabBu’l-Mulk to say
that they were murderers of Adam. ’ ( Briqqs, Vol. IV, p. 61 refers to this’
incident as an event of the impartial justice of Mahmud Shah. )
ChaoHATAI, M. a,, Muslim Monuments of Ahmadabad through their
inscriptions ( BDCRI 3*2 ) .
MALIK HAJjT’s’ garden HOUSE INSCRIPTION
Rraphy of other inscriptions of Ahmadabad and actually belongs to
the gardens built by the same Malik Hajji son of Baramad on 2nd
Rajab 864 AN/23 r,D. April 1460 A. D. ; who had replaced Malik
Sha'ban as ‘ Imadu’l-Mulk both in rank and titles on the resigna*
tion of the latter which is obvious from its text, which has been
calligraphed by Jan Muhammad, son of Khalil: —
lu ]j-^ U ^ ) ,>j! tij J^l )j) ) ^ Uj ttu, ^ UaLk ^ UJ II ) j |»
^ t Iw t3>«s\« I li j^sk ) ^) » li » li 0 ]yl f»
tiL* ill ) ^ tlalM.1 ) i li,
>ljnUI) j ^illaLy (») O'** ) j> k— |*
) 0 j I I ^
I fL^ ij j j ly ) I jic n ) 0 Uj* u ^
(?) — ^ M l*i US J
Translation
“This fine building and excellent edifice and lofty colonnade and
the four fresco walls were built, and the sanctified fruitbearing trees
were planted, together with the well and reservoir, so that men and
animals may benefit during the reign of the Sultan of Sultans of the
age, who is confident of the help of the Merciful, Nasiru’d-Dunya
wa’d-Din. Abu’l-Fath, Mahmud Shah, son of Muhammad Shaha,
son of Ahmad Shah, son of Muhammad Shah, son of Muzafifar Shah
the Sultan (may Allah perpetuate his kingdom), by Malik Hajji, son
of Baramad Sultani, entitled by his most exalted maj^ty and sublime
refuge, the Maliu’sh-Sharq. Tmadu’l-Mulk and 'Ariz-i-Mamalik
(may Allah keep his grandeur eternal) on the second of Rajab (may
its dignity increase), in the year eight hundred and sixty four (23rd
April 1460 A. D.), written by Jan Muhammad son of Khalil
It is a pity that I could not locate these gardens of Malik Hajji
in Ahmadabad. Neither could I ascertain reasons, how this inscripr
tion happened to have been preserved in the present mosque,
M. A. CHAGHATAl
althouch it did not directly concern it. We are already familiar
with two inscriptions^^ of Malik Sha’ ban's gardens, known as Bagh^
Sha*ban, in one of the suburbs of Ahmadabad. known as Rakhyal,
but the inscription referred to above describes their architectural
beauty.
It has already served as a model draft for other similar inscrip-
tions. For example, the Arabic inscription of the Bai Harir Sultani
at Ahmadabad, is practically the same. So far, it is the first
record in stone of the days of the Sultans of Gujarat which shows
that such monuments were particularly dedicated to the cause of
public utility.
The mention of the gardens ^ of Malik Hajji and of the name
of his father found in his inscription is not available from the
historical works. Besides, its date A. H. 864 definitely makes it
clear that Malik Sha 'ban had at least vacated the post of ’ Imadu’l-*
Mulk in that year or before for his successor Malik Hajji. It is here
that the great importance of the inscription lies. This date is not
clear from the text of history, although Hajjud-Dabir mentions
A. H. 865 as the year of Malik Sha'ban’s demise.
Ibid., M>. 50-33.
»* IWd, pp. 70-73.
** Aooording to the MifSt-I-Ahmadi ( supplement ) p. 13 there ia one
quarter Hajjipur in Ahmadabad vhioh was populated by Hajji Bahau’d-Din
■urnamed ‘ Aidu'l-MiUc.
** HO. op^eit^ p. 10.
PESHWA MADHAV RAO I
By Anil Chandra Banerjee, m.a., vi+266; four mapa,
Calcutta. A, Mvkherjee <S Bros. 1943, Price Rs. 6/-.
A REVIEW BY
T. S. Shejwalkar
This is a compact and systematic study of the twelve eventful
years in Maratha history covered by the official career of Peshwa
Madhav Rao I between 1761 and 1772. With the exception of
Prof. B. K. Thakore’s critical prize essay on the Life of this great
Peshwa written with the then existing scanty materials more than
forty years back and now almost forgotten, this is perhaps the first
attempt to present the Peshwa Madhav Rao in English. We had
occasion to examine a thesis on this subject more than a decade
ago and possibly there were similar attempts covering the same
topic by some other students also. But as no study has appeared
in print as yet, we can very well congratulate Prof. BANERJEE on
this presentation. No doubt, the foundation of this study had
already been laid in Marathi by Rao Bahadur G. S. Sardesai and
that great indefatigable worker in the archives of the Patwardhan
Sardarsof the Deccan, the late Vasudeva Shastri Khare. But
theirs* were comparatively one>sided studies. Both of i.bem had
made use of published English material to some extent. But since
they wrote, more material has been made available to scholarst
both in English and Marathi. Separate topics of the eighteenth
century Indian history have been studied by various scholars from
different points of view, and they have made the work of others
in the same field considerably easy. Prof. BANERJEE, however,
has not merely based his study on these, he has himself plunged in
the still un-tapped archives and brought forth new material for
use in this worL This is his distinct contribution to the world
of scholarship, for which be deserves ail credit. Mutual relations
between four parties — the Maratbas, the English, the Nizam, and
Hyder Ali, have been more deeply studied on the basis eff new
English material personally studied by the author. Two chapters,
out of eight, in the book throw considerable new light on these
relations. The author wields a facile English pen, with an easy
style and short sentences. The performance is definitely creditable
to the writer.
364
T. S. SHEJWALKAR
But this is all that can be said in favour of the book. Other-
wise it is neither a complete study nor based on all the published,
much less available., material. The author seems to be blissfully
unaware of such primary sources on Madhav Rao as Purandare
l^ftar Vol. Ill, Chandrachud Daftar Vol. I, Aitihasika Patra-
vyavahara, Aitihasik Patren-yadi, Parasnis' It^asa-san^aha and
Bharat-It^sO’Sanshodhdka Mandal's publications. His acquaintance
with Rajwade’S volumes also seems to be slight and second-hand ;
otherwise he would have mentioned the particular Volumes
pertaining to Madhav Rao. He has based his work mainly on the
badly edited Peshwa Daftar, Khare, V AD and also GRANT DUFF,
whose influence he has not been successful in shaking off. This
was inevitable as be is more at home with the English sources than
the Marathi ones. The result is he could not possibly form his
own opinions on various topics and personalities. He has to fall
back on other published opinions. Not knowing the pit-falls of
Marathi material — ^and he is not to be singled out for condemnation
on this head, as most outsiders who are using the Marathi sources
are all falling into the same pit-falls — he has committed blunders at
times. While this defect does not vitiate the argument in the main
as such, it certainly lessens the cogency thereof. The mistakes are
occasionally ludicrous in the extreme and smack of ignorance of
Maratha history in general. All these defects could have been
avoided if the author's reading were more wide and thorough, If
he could have only seen the short introduction of Mr, D, V, AptE —
a veteran scholar in Maratha history— to the Marathi life of
Madhav Rao by Mr. S. A. Sahasrabuddhe, he would not have
committed this error. As it is he seems to have received very
scrappy information about the Marathi sources.
The first pit-fall in Maratha History arises from not under-
standing the composition of it. There is no institutional thread. in
Maratha History around which it can be woven. The mental make
up of a Maratha,— not to say an Indian,— is intensely individua-
listic, if not selfish. Shivaji tried to checkmate this rank individua-
lism, by trying to rally the Marathas around the ideal of
Maharast:ra — Dharma with its Defender the Chhatrapati-in-Council.
But Shivaji was anything but an average Maratha and his institu-
tion of a king with a council of eight ministers with equal and
independent offices did not survive him long. While the Peshwa
Madhav Rao, wielding the whole power of the Maratha State as
he thought, tried to defend its unity and guard its absolute sove-
reignty in the right royal fashion, other members of the. Maratha
PESriWA MADHAV RAO 1 3^
State thought him to be no better than one amongst the many
scramblers for power. To be constitutionally correct, the first
Peshwa Balaji Vishwanath had already signed away the sovereignty
of the Maratha State when he accepted for his master the service of
defending the Mughal Empire in the Deccan for a quarter share of
its revenue. The second Peshwa Bajirao had broken tbe unity of
the Maratha State by refusing to stec r the ship of the state by
common counsel of his colleagues in office. The third Peshwa
Nanasahib had no doubt clearly usurped the main power in the
state, but had introduced the pernicious practice of maintaining it by
taking help from the permanent enemies of the Maratha State. We
mention this fact because it is wrongly constructed and Raghoba is
treated as the first villain to introduce this evil practice. As long
as the Peshwa's power was strong before Panipat, the evil did not
manifest itself in its full meaning; but with their defeat and the
almost simultaneous emergence of the British as a strong rival
power out of the Seven Years’ War, the tables turned. The Peshwa
had lost his position as a first runner in the race for empire, while
the number and power of his potential enemies had increased. The
political map called for a new orientation of policy to suit the new
field. Madhav Rao does not seem to have proved himself capable
of this new orientation at all, which fact definitely diminishes his
stature in history
After Panipat, two changes were absolutely necessary for the
unity and independence of the Maratha State. These were the
restoration of the Chhatrapati to his original status as the heredi-
tary king with his powers controlled by ihe Council of eight
equal ministers only. This was the only remedy to restore the
unity in the State, necessary to restore full confidence in the
mind of the Maratlias who made the soldiery of the State and
enthuse them with the idea of their kingdom. Such a step would
have made the Bhosalas of Nagpur, the Gaikawads, the Ghorpades
and other members of the Maratha Confederacy impervious to the
blandishments 'of out-side powers like the English, the Nizam,
Hyder, and others. It would have also weaned the Deshastha Party
who naturally felt their loss of power and prestige in the new
arrangement in which their six ministers had been relegated to a
pitiable position in the State.
The second necessary step was to bury the ghost of Delhi once
for all. It was an evil day for the Maratha State when Balaji
Vishwanath accompanied Sayyad Husen Ali Khan to Delhi, The
13
366 T. S. SHfijWALKAR
idea of being able to usurp the whole power of the Mughal State
by accepting service under them had undermined the moral basis of
the Maratha State as idealised by Shivaji and nurtured by his
sons. The Marathas thus joined the rank of other despoilers of the
Mughal Empire and inevitably had to become opportunists in
policy. The high ideal of fighting for a supreme cause had given
place to a principleless scramble for pelf. Whatever the causes
which weighed with the first three Peshwas to look to Delhi, the
thing had proved a broken reed, and had done much more harm
than any small good. The three powers in the Deccan, the Nizam
the English and Hyder who were nowhere near the Peshwa before
Panipat, had suddenly become serious rivals. For the Marathas
to cross the Chambal now was more valorous than wise, more for
taking revenge than for permanent state good. Madhav Rao mis-
understood and misjudged the Indian political map and ordered his
troops to the north, to break their heads against Delhi, thus giving
time to the southern powers to recover and prepare again.
As Madhav Rao could not fulfil any of these two conditions, we
think the future of the Maratha State was permanently mortgaged
if not actually sold. We have stated these two prerequisite condi-
tions, not for indulging in the ‘might have beens’ of history, but to
clear up certain wrong notions. That Madhav Rao with all his vir-
tues, circumstanced as he was, could not even think of doing
anything of the kind, proves the knottiness of the problem. But
without cutting the Gordian knot, there was no other alternative
to meet the circumstance, and but for a bold orientation, the
Maratha State was doomed.
The Maratha State being composed of separate semi-indepen-
dent units managed by different individuals who were the motive-
force in politics, it naturally follows that these various individuals
must be first studied independently and then their activities
collated. The lives and activities of these individuals are for the
most part obscure and secretive. Much more was done behind the
scene and comparatively little in the open forum. Thus there is
great trouble in piecing together any public act in full, logical
sequence. As Prof. BanerjEE has not taken the trouble to study
completely the lives of the various individuals coming into contact
with the chief character, he has naturally fallen into a second, pit-
fall. Not only has he not studied the chief persons completely so
as to understand their character to judge them properly but he has
not even pieced together their activities during the dozen years
PESHWA MADHAV RAO I ' 367
under consideration, with the result that his narrative is sketchy
and many a time incorrect also.
By not understanding the nature of the Marathi material and
the bid editing thereof, the author tumbles into a third pitfall. He
has not understood the real character of histories already before
the public.* Incorrect dating of documents is a besetting sin in the
Marathi editing of original papers. Only a fe^r obvious mistakes
consequent to these pitfalls can be here pointed out.
We have said that the study is not complete, meaning thereby
the omission of certain episodes and short treatment of others. The
present work, we believe, is not a life of Madhav Rao as such, but a
study of his times. For correctly underfanding Madhav Rao’s diffi-
culties as well his attitude therein, these episodes ought to have been
studied in more detail. The episode of the Kolis of Purandhar
touches a vital point in Madhav Rao's character. Our author
writes of Madhav Rao as his “ private life being blameless and he
being never guilty of treachery even towards his enemies" — (P. 252),
His conduct in the Koli episode can be justified as an exigency of
the state, but it cannot allow our author's encomium quoted above.
Prof. BaneRJEE has noted the fact ( P. 219 ) of Raghunath Rao
suspecting the Peshwa’s secret part in the affair, but has taken
Madhav Rao at his word of denial. Had he read the introduction
to the third volume of Purandare Daftar by its editor, he would
have, perhaps, modified his opinions. A cryptic letter in Rajwade
Vol. XIV (No. 63) says that “ the blame for the act is to the credit
of the master himself,” and asks for two authorising chits in the
hand-writing of the Peshwa, if the act is to end in the desired result.
As the letter is definitely about the Purandhar Koli episode and
addressed to Govindrao Tatya Khasgiwale who was residing v/ith
Raghunath Rao, Raghunath’s suspicion referred to by our author
cannot be dismissed as mere suspicion at all, as the uncle was fully
in the know of affairs, a fact which is further proved by his issue of
a Kaul ( Purandare III No. 39 ) to the officers and men in charge of
Purandhar, assuring them of full pardon for acts done and granting
their prayer for keeping the fort directly under the Peshwa. If
further proof of the Peshwa’s part in the affair is needed and his
intention is to be judged by his after behaviour, S, P. D, XIX— *32
supplies ample material. Visaji Keshav Sane who was secretly
* The famous work of B. B. SABDESai suffers from the same defects, while
outsiders readily take it as the last word.
368
T. S, SHEJWALRAR
engineering the whole episode, is awarded Inams definitely in recog*
nition of his work in the whole affair. We have referred to this
affair not for blaming Madhav Rao for his state act, but to point
out Prof, BanerjeE’S complete ignorance of very important material
on the subject. This episode also touches the delicate controversy
about the rivalry between the Desbathas and the Konkanasthas in
the later Peshwas’ days. Modern writers with a national bias are
prone, naturally enough, to underrate the effects of this rivalry to
suit the present. But historians cannot, if they are going to
depict the past as it was, so lightly tick off this affair as has .been
done by our author quoting the remarks of R. B. Sardesai (P. 9).
A perusal of the official lists of Government employees in the later
Peshwas’ days will bear testimony to the fact of the Deshasthas
being swamped out of office by the Konkanasthas. A casual private
letter published in Purandare lll (No. 197), complains that “nobody
seems to care for the Deshastha (Brahmins) these days and so we
must behave in an humble manner.” Another very significant
prophecy for the benefit of the Purandare Sardar written in 1802 (?)
throws lucid light on the inner mind of the Deshastha community.
It prophesies that the Konkanastha power will wane and perish, the
Deshasthas will come to power again ( Pur, III-213 ). This pro-
phecy is no doubt made on the eve of the British entry into
Maratha politics. We quote it to point out how far things had
come to pass after decades of the Chitpavan ascendency. Can
we complacently say with such documents before us that “The
facts at our disposal do not require to be explained in that
way”? (P. 9.)
Prof. Banerjee has similarly missed the significance of the
Sindia episode. Just as Madhav Rao comes in for criticism in
the Koli-episodc, Mahadji Sinde’s conduct in the succession dispute
requires a search-light of criticism. His treatment of the women-folk
of the great Sindia housed can scarcely be justified. His behaviour
with the agents of the central authority^ was, to say the least, most
high-handed. Mahadji is morally responsible for the
slaughter* of Mahadaji Govind Kakirde, who had been
appointed Diwan to the Sindia Jagir by Raghunath Rao. In
this suspicious affair he made use of Ragho Ram and others, but.
' Selection from the Pethawa Dafter ( S. P, D, ) S9-53.
» S. P. D i «9-48, 65, 96.
Rajwadb, 13 — 10 , 15, 19, 20, 22*
3
PESHWA MADHAV RAO I
369
later on even this Ragho Ram* was also killed in an action
with Mahadji. Because he would not come to see the Peshwa,
Madhav Rao^ had to appoint Baji Narsinh as the Diwan plenipoten.
tiary to the Sindia Jagir. Mahadji Sinde’s illegitimacy was at first
coming in the way of his appointment* to the Sindia Jagir. Manaji
Sinde Phakade ( and not Pbadk^ as incorrectly put by the author,
P. 221 ) had been appointed to the post because, he was the grandson
of Sabaji Sinde, belonging to the legitimate Sinde family and a near
cousin. Ou" author has confused Sabaji with Tukoji (P. 158) who
was killed at Panipat fighting to the last with Bhau. Sabaji fled^
from the battle field with the Sindia contingent under him and
lived some time after. Tukoji was Mahadji’s full elder brother and
hence his son Kedarji was appointed to the family Jagir after
Jankoji, the last legitimate Sinde. All these facts seem to be
unknown to our author. Mahadji’s behaviour even after his final
appointment to the family post is anything but loyal*. He is self-
willed to a degree and is found acting as he liked, not taking up the
work to which he is appointed, but always flying at tangent. He
would not pay the Peshwas’ dues* in time and quarrelled with
Visaji'*^ Krishna in whom Madhav Rao had full confidence. Never
going deep into the affair, our author has been unable to evaluate
personalities in a just manner. It will be seen from what we have
said, that the Sindia episode required a fuller treatment by our
author, at least to shed light on Madhavrao's part in the tangle.
This was further complicated by Malharrao Holkar's selfish
behaviour in relation to the Sindia affairs and Raghunath Rao’s
ambition. Not having studied these things, the North Indian
chapter (VI) of the book is the weakest amongst all.
Prof. Banerjee seems to have missed these important episodes,
because he has overlooked (if he has touched at all) Kajwade
Vols. XIII and XIV and Purandare III. But even his study of
the Peshwa Daftar is not deep. A large number of letters in this
collection arc addressed to Vishvasrao Lakshman who is not the
son of Naro Shankar as wrongly taken by our author (P. 135), but
* S. P. D. 39—229.
* Eajwadb, /S— 59.
a S. P. Tj, 39 — 48, 65,
1 Sind'eshUht ItihSaachl sUdhane 1 — 263, 264, 265.
* Bajwade, iS-47, 48, 57, 58 ; 8. P, D. 39-247, 253.
» Bajwade, 1 4—62 ; 8. P. D. 39-275, 376, 277,
S P. D. 39-269, 272, 276,
S.P.P.S9-9,
370
T. S. SHEJWALKAR
a nephew of the man. He is addressed as Raosaheb many a time
He is for full nine years in charge of Jhansi, a key-post in the
Maratha Dominions. His dealings in Bundelkhand in combination
with Balaji Govind and others also required a section for proper
mention. Our author has simply passed over the field, being
bewildered perhaps by the number of little known a'ctors in the
affair. He has confused Gopalrao Patwardhan with Gopalrao Barve
who was definitely not in Ahirwada in the early months of 1761
(P. 135). He, ( in common with Sir J. SARKAR, ) has committed
a blunder in connecting places in an itinerary or perhaps has only
copied him. Malharrao Holkar received a serious wound at
Mangrol which made him return to Indore, though affairs in
Bundelkhand called him there. Thence he returned to his native
land by way of Khandesh. Naro Shankar coming from the south
by way of Patode, met him at Nandgaon-Sakore a place to the
north'West of Manmad junction in the Nasik district and at present
a station on the G. I. P. Railway. Patode is south-west of Manmad.
Thence he proceeded north to Malgaon and Malharrao came south
to Sangamner which is wrongly copied in a printed letter omitting
the letter ma, thus making it Sangner. Sir J. Sarkar identified the
place with the Sangner junction south of Jaipur city and thus
getting on the wrong tract, placed Patode and Nandgaon-Sakore on
the road to Jhansi where again Malharrao was wrongly taken as
proceeding {Sarkar-Fall. Vol. II P. 510). There was absolutely
no reason for this confusion, notwithstanding the printer’s or the
copyist’s error, for the letter written from Sangamner further on
clearly says that Naro Shankar is still in Khandesh (S. P. D. 29-37.
P. 33 ). A cursory reading of documents leads to such blunders.
Such a blunder would have been impossible had the lives of the
chief actors been separately arranged before-hand, as we have
suggested above. Prof. Banerjee has committed a similar error
because he had not prepared a chart of the Peshwa’s itinerary,
though he could have copied it from VM VII P-392. In order to
prove Madhavrao’s energy and dash, he makes him turn to Carnatic
instead of returning to Poona after the victory of Rakshasbhuvan
(P. 44), on the strength of a letter of which only the last part is
found. In that letter the Peshwa is demanding money from
( ostensibly ) the Sarsubhedar of Konkan in order to finance his
campaign towards the Tungbhadra river. Because our author is not
conversant with the mode of Marathi expression, he takes Madhavrao
to be starting immediately after the date. As a matter of fact he
did nothing of the kind ; slowly he returned to Poona, lived in
Poona for full two months and then proceeded to Carnatic, crossing
t»ESHWA MA£>HAV RAO I
371
the Krishna in February 1764. We suspect from this mistake that
our author has probably missed the itinerary given in Vad. How
he could explain Madhavrao living in secrecy for months together
passes our understanding.
Prof. Banerjee’s treatment of the role of such persons as
Malharrao Holkar. Sakharam Bapu, and many others 'whose careers
he has simply omitted, is devoid of correct understanding, where it
is not characterized by ignorance. He is wisely cautious in passing
remarks no doubt, but that does not necessarily mean correct under-
standing. In the index, Aba Purandare and Nilkantha Mahadev
Purandare are separately given. Are we to understand that these
were different persons ? On page 83, Sambhaji Ganesh is quoted as
the name of the governor of Orissa on English authority. Does our
author know that he is the same person who joined Shuja-ud daula
when he invaded Bundelkhand in 1762 and whose name is correctly
given by the author as Ganesh Sambhaji, on page 134 ? We know
that the name was somehow inverted 'oy Persian and English scribes,
but was it not necessary for our author to know the fact, because
it shows, that a person who had committed treason and joined the
enemy had to take refuge in a distant province under a man anta-
gonistic to the Peshwa and to live almost as an exile away from
his people ? Surnames are seldom given in Marathi documents,
whose other characteristic is want of correct dates with specific
years. It makes the work of a research student trebly hard. One
can confuse persons one with the other. One can confuse facts
occurring at different times and in different places. T'here is a
natural confusion in the writing of history if the historian is not an
expert in the whole material, if he is not ahvays on his guard. The
mistakes occurring in the Peshwa Daftar have been confidently
copied by the author, which has naturally led him astray in many
places. On page 11, letter No. 9 of the 37th volume is taken to have
been written in July 1762, but it belongs to 1764. as can be proved
by referring to Chandrachud 1-89 and noting the fact of Malhar-
rao’s presence in the south in 1762. On page 192 in the foot-note
No. 3, S. P. D. 37-200 is used in the events of the year 1770, while
the letter belongs to a very early period viz. 1754. On page 228 Sir
Charles Malet is stated to have been appointed in 1787 which
should be 1785, though he arrived in Poona after along tour of
Northern India in 1786. On p. 184 note 3. the author quotes as
authorities letters 280-282 for events of 1773, while these three
letters properly belong to 1774. On pages 159-63, S. P. D. 29-246
is quoted as an authority for various purposes. The letter is
wrongly copied, putting the date of its receipt as belonging to 1769,
T. s. SHEJWALKAR
while actually it should be 1770, to judge from the constants, a fact
which can be verified by referring to the other letters of the writer.
Naro Narsi, in the same volume. As the author uses the letter for
occurrences of the earlier period also, he seems to have misconstrued
its contents. On p. 185, he makes Madhavrao reach Devarayadurg
by April 1769, forgetting that on P. 80 he is present at Kanakapur on
the Godavari in the same month, to interview Janoji Bhonsale and
conclude peace with him. The author falls into this mistake
because he accepts the dates of nos. 168 and 170 of 5. P. D. Vol. 37 as
correct. Had he been an expert in the Indian Calendar and known
how to use Modak's Chronologival Tables with their niceties of
fixing dates, the date of No. 170 could have been corrected if the
date of receipt of the letter had been properly read and understood.
Had he referred to the Satara Historical Society's Series Vol. II No.
324, he would have found a letter actually written from Devaraya-
durg by Narayanrao, the younger brother of the Peshwa dated 17th
April 1770. He could have verified the fact from the Peshwa ’s it-
inerary given at the end of Vad’s second volume on Madhav Rao
Peshwa. It will be thus seen that (1) ignorance of material and
sources, (2) incapacity to correct dates, and (3) inattention to. what
has been written by himself before, has resulted in using the events
of 1770 for describing the imaginary campaign of lT69. We believe
we have now convinced the reader about the knottincss of dates in
Maratha history and the difficulty of piecing events together. Our
author gives authorities in many places which are not applicable
to the matter referred. Thus on P. 192 he quotes S. P. D. 200, 201,
for the statement ‘ there was no water ’ but there is absolutely no
mention of any scarcity of water in these letters, nor in the quoted
portion in the note. On P. 48 note 3, we are told on the authority
of 5. P. D. 37-32, ‘ that 150 Mussalmans were killed ’ but there is no
such word as Mussalman in the letter at all. The letter says that
some 150 persons wers killed. Though the army was Hyder’s, we
are sure that not even half of it could be taken as Muslim, in any
campaign. Similar incorrect reading or incorrect understanding of
Marathi is visible in many places. On P. 137 note 2, Malhar Holkar
is taken as “ trying to persuade the Peshwa to ‘go to Hindustan ”
but in fact he was inducing Raghunatbrao to come with him, which
is quite clear from the place whence the letter quoted (S. P. D,
39-24) was written. On P. 149 note 6, which is written in elucidation
of the sentence about “ a suggestion for the capture of Surat by the
Marathas ”, Visaji Krishna is sent to the province of Sorat. Evin-
dently the author has taken Sorat as a variant of Surat, while
really it is another and more ancient name of Kathiawar. Incidently
PESHWA MADHAV RAO I
373
it should be noted that, the author has left the province of
Gujarath almost out of account except for the succession dispute
amongst Damaji’s sons.
Prof. Banerjee has given four separate maps to illustrate the
various campaigns etc. during this period. But if one infers the
accuracy of geographical descriptions in the book therefrom,
one is sure to be dis 'ppointed ! He is not conversant with the 18th
century geography. We have already noted the Sangrer blunder.
On P. 80, he places Kanakapur on the north bank of the Bhima,
though the actors in the campaign arc moving in Berar and
the Nizam’s territory ! Nor has he noted this important place of
peace on the Godavari in the very specious map he has given, along
with many other places occurring in ti e campaign. Why then give
the map at all ? On P. 173, he makes Kara as equal to Jahanabad
in a bracket, while it is identical with Manikpur. Studying and
copying Sir J. Sarkar's volumes, he has copied his mistakes also.
Similarly if one thinks from his copious use of original letters that
he has used these bit by bit in tracing a campaign, one is sure to be
misled. Thus on pages 188-190, he is writing of Hyder’s movements
in the Bednur area. He makes use of some 20 letters (nos. 180-200)
of S. P. D. 37. In more than half a dozen letters the name of the
key pass of Masoor leading to the Bednur forest where Hyder was
hiding, occurs. The Marathas were guarding this exit. But Prof.
Banerjee never once mentions this pass, nor gives it in his specially
prepared map. If such things are to be omitted from a campaign,
why try to describe it at all ? He could have found the place ready
to hand in Wilks’ work from which he extensively quotes. As we
have said in the beginning, his method is defective in the extreme.
In the introductory remarks we have said that the author falls
back on others’ opinions. Relying on the resonant reputation of
Mahadji Sinde mainly based on his later life, he has judged his
character and behaviour in this obscure period, still to be properly
studied. For his north Indian affairs. Prof. Banerjee seems to rely on
Sir Jadunath’s Fall of the Mughal Empire Vols, II and III. On
page 176, he passes a judgment on Visaji Krishna for his later
behaviour in note 4. This he practically copies verbatim from the
last sentence of ch. 26 of Sir J, Sarkar’s Fall. We do not think that
the author-or for the matter of that Sic J, Sarkar— has studied the
later Hfe of Visaji Krishna in any detail. In fact, it is very obscure.
Visaji had made a life-enemy in Mahadji Sinde by his strict obe>
dience to the Peshwa’s orders, which inevitably antagonised him to
all his colleagues. Mahadji’s behaviour during Madhav Rao’s
li
374
T. S. SHEJWALKAR
period is anything but commendable. His particular behaviour in
tdie Rohita campaign can come in for severe criticism. Because
neither the author nor Sarkar had studied Mahadji’s early life as
depicted in such obscure corner as Rajwade Vol. 13, they think
him to be almost an angel ; and Visaji, in comparison, a selfish
devil. Has Prof. Banerjee discovered’any special source of informa-
tion to prove that Visaji had amassed a fortune ? The fortune
with which Visaji returned to the Deccan was a state fortune,
which he had to deliver to the then lawful head of the state,
Peshwa Raghunath Rao. Herein he was quite helpless and it was
a first rate misfortune of Visaji for his private life. Madhav Rao,
who had authorised as well as fully approved of his conduct in the
North Indian campaign, was no more. Narayan Rao, at whose
order of recall he had to return, had been foully murdered. At
least a legend tells that Madfiav Rao was so well pleased with
Visaji’s success in the North, that from his death bed be had
ordered his successor to receive Visaji into Poona — whenever he
returned, with a shower of gold flowers. But alas! that was not
to be his lot. He was obliged to hand over the fortune to a moral
culprit hated by the people. Thereby unwittingly he became a
suspected man and an enemy of the powers that be. Mahadji,
whose vacillating conduct in this critical period of Maratha history
is at least as blameworthy as perhaps Visaji’s, however, acted as a
small man indeed when he was in power later on. For Visaji’s
ofl&cial behaviour in the North Indian Campaign, Mahadji sought
a revenge on him when he was in his clutches. Visaji’s guilt has
riot been openly proved in history, but still instead of getting his
laurels, he was humiliated and impoverished by equally culpable
but successful rivals.
In his short but weighty and thoughtful foreword to the
Marathi life of Madhav Rao by Sahasrabuddhe, Mr. D. V.
Apte has taken an entirely fresh view of the affairs in Madhav
Rao’s period. Sakharam Bapu was a man of long range view accord-
ing to him and not culpable for the way he has been exhibited.
On the other hand Madhav Rao initiated a new line of profoundly
harmful political conduct, the line of getting away from your
rivals by imprisonment and similar devices. We, in common with
Mr. Apte, also think of the affairs under Madhav Rao in similar
terms. Madhav Rao was from the beginning a precoscious but
physically weak man. In his later years, due to loss of physique,
he seems to have clearly lost his mental balance, a fact proved by
his undignified behaviour towards the old Gangadhar Chandrachud
^ind others. Prof. Banerjee has absolutely no new view or criticism
PESHWA MADHAV RAO I 3f5
to offer. His last chapter is of a humdrum type, voicing others’
opinions and practically unnecessary in some parts.
We deprecate the way of scholars to add a good-sized biblio-
graphy at the end of their tomes without actually showing a
critical handling of the material contained therein. Prof. BANERJEE
is humble in this respect. But even he has put in the respectable
Raj wade there, without actually using him to any extent. On
P. 220, for note 2, he quotes KiNCAlD and ParaSNIS as his autho-
rity. Had he read Raj wade, he whould have put R-1-286
there, for that is the only authority for the described event. Once
where he has used it, he has not been able to correct the wrong
date at the top, which is earlier by two years ( P. 136 note 1-Raj.
I. 296 ) and therefore his whole paragraph is unhistorical. We have
also shown above that the author has entirely missed Raj. 13-14
in his treatment. Vad also he seems to have studied in its English
gist ; otherwise it is very difficult to explain his non-use of the
important itinerary. One naturally expects the author to be mor^
thorough and exhaustive.
A NOTE ON THE COPPER SWORDS FROM KALLUR
By
A. V. Naik*
In his article on “Archaeological Traces of the Vedic Aryans”
Mr. Robert HeinE-Geldern* postulates an Indo-Aryan migration
to India between 1200 and 1000 B. c. In the train of evidence —
which consists of North Indian finds which, as he says “We are now
bound to discern as from a later date than the Indus Civilization
and possibly belonging to the Vedic age” are included the copper
antennae swords from the Ganges plain, in support of his thesis.
The swords have antennae hilts and are — hilt ind blade— of one
cast having leaf-shaped blades with a distinct middle ridge. They
after a comparative scrutiny, betray, according to him, an ultimate
connection with European swdrds, and ‘are strongly influenced by
North Caucasian forms of the Koban Culture.’ He assigns them to
the period between 1200 and 1000 B. C.
The purpose of the present note is to draw attention of
scholars interested in archaeology, to similar copper-swords,
which have been recently discovered at Kallur in the Hyderabad
State.2 Kallur is a village in the Manvi Taluq of the Raichur
District. The swords in question are of copper and are three in
number. It is stated that they were found concealed under a
boulder on one of the hills around that place. The Director of
Archaeology in that State was quick to note their similarity to the
swords discovered at Fategarh, when they were brought to the
notice of the Department. Consequently the site was subjected to
further exploration in which it yielded many interesting finds
resembling those of Maski, besides offering some primitive rock-
drawings, stamping the village as a pre-historic site.
The three swords^ are of different lengths-39, 30 and 26 inches
but except this are quite similar to each other. With all the three,
the blade and hilt are of one cast, no mark of separation being
visible. The blades are leaf-shaped with a distinct middle ridge,
but the smallest of them has a rounded top, while the other two
have pointed ones. They have short blunt antennae exactly like
• My attention to this subject was drawn by my Teacher Dr. H. D. Sankali/L.
^ JISOA^ 4*87-115. Sketches of Antennae Swords found in India are
given in the plate, to which please refer.
* Annual Report of the Archaeological Department of H. E. H, the
Ki 2 am*s Dominions for 1937-10 ( Calcutta 1942 ) pp. 23-28, 31-32.
« iWrfe,?]. V(b).
To face page 377
A NOTE ON THE COPPER SWORDS FROM KALLUR TSfl
the antennae dagger from Bithur * It will thus be seen, that these®
are very nearly similar to those illustrated by HEINE.Geldern,
the only difference between them is that the KallQr ones have more
pronounced shoulders than those of the Ganges plain, which are
only rounded projections.
The close similarity of the Kallur finds® — which include stone
implements such as axes, cores and flakes, perforated pottery pieces,
chank beads and bangles, terracottas, copper objects including a
fragmentary axe, etc. - with those of the Maski Industry certainly
speaks for the high antiquity of the site, though it cannot be
precisely dated. However the period of Kallur finds seems un-
doubtedly to be coeval with, if not anterior to, that of the "North
Indian finds" which are supposed to belong to the Vedic age -
1200 to 1000 B. C,
The importance of the copper finds at Kallur as has been brought
out by Mr. K. M. AhmAD who investigated’ the site, is that we may
perhaps be forced to revise Sir John Marshall’s statement that
"In Southern India there was no Copper Age’’®. But the significance
of the Kallur Copper swords in the light of Heine-GELDERN’s
theory has missed his attention. How these will affect his thesis
will be clear after a close examination of his arguments and these
Kallur finds by competent scholars. But what seems to be most
important to me is the occurrence in Southern India of the copper-
antennae swords - “a weapon of undoubted European origin” and
due to Western influence which accompanied the ethnical or
cultural wave, that brought the Indo-Aryans from Western-Asia
to India between 1200 and 1000 B. C., at so early a period when
there was almost no possibility of “Aryan” influence in that region.
Literary evidence points to rhe 7th century B. C. as the date when
Aryanisation of India south of the Vindhyas began. Were the
swords in question imported from the North ? In that case we
would be forced to accept Aryan contacts with Southern India at
a much earlier date than at present supposed. Be that as it may,
the Kallur swords certainly demand a scholarly attention.
♦ JISOA 4. PI. XIX, Fig. 34.
>•- Jfttd., PI. XIX.
• A.R. y(. />. o/ H. E. H. the Nizam's Dominions, op. eit., Pis. IX-XIll,
and p. 32.
’ Ibid.
« CHI 1-615.
378
A. V. NAllt
In my “ Studies in Nagarjunakoiyda Sculptures”® I noted
a rapier*® which seems to have an antennae hilt, but the
blade of which is considerably different from the swords referred
to above. If it is correct, then it would show that the antennae
hilts were in evidence till the 2nd cent. A. D. in Southern
India. It would really be instructive if more sculptured
instances of antennae hilts are brought to notice. So far
as I can see the antennae hilts seem to have fallen in disuse shortly
afterwards and perhaps totally disappeared, as I could not find a
single instance of it in sculptures later than that date, either from
North India or South India.
» BDCRI 2-50-111, 263-99.
»•> Ibid., pp. 285-6 ; Fig. 22;
NOTES ON POLITICAL AND CULTURAL HISTORY
OF KONKAN
By
Moreshwar G. Dikshit
The recent Memoir published by the Baroda Archaeological
Department^ contains several inscriptions which throw light
on the political, and cultural history of early mediaeval
Gujarat and the Konkan. In this note only those aspects are
touched upon which have been missed by the editor of the memoir.
So far as Gujarat and Kathiawa” are concerned, inscriptions
Nos. 1, 11, III, and IX are important, but since the full significance
of certain geographical and ethnographical references is fully dealt
with by Dr. Sankalia elsewhere,^ we will confine ourselves, to
the inscriptions connected with Konkan.
Mr. Gadre has done distinct service to the Silahara History by
editing two sets of copper plate grants^® of Silahara Aparajita dated
Saka 915, both of which were acquired by the Baroda Museum in the
year 1923. The existence of these two sets was already known to
scholars from a short note published by Mr. Gadre in the Proceed-
ing of the Tenth All India Oriental Conference^ held at Trivendrum
in 1937. These two sets have now been edited in this Memoir for
the first time in full.
The importance of these plates lies in the fact they happen to
be the earliest copper plate grants of the Silahara dynasty published
so far, though there is another early set of the same dynasty issued
by an unknown Silahara ruler (Maha-samanta) Chadvaideva*, which
is now preserved in the Prince of Wales Museum, Bombay. This
latter set was issued when the Rast:rakut;a dynasty was still in
^ Gadrk, Important Inscriptions from the Baroda State, ( 1943 )*
• JGES, September 1943.
aa Gadre, op. cit pp. 35-64,
» p.880.
^ These plates were earlier noticed by R. D. Banebji in Pi?* ASI. W(;
for the year 1919-20. pp. 55-6. Many statements made in this note were found to
be inaccurate on examination of the original plates preserved in the P. W. M,
Bombay. These are now fully edited by MMP. Prof. V. V. MlUAsiii and the
writer of the present note for El, 28. which is expected to be out very shortly. 1
am obliged to Prof. MiRASHi for his <?o^8id©rat^oa to include some portions from
the same for this review,
380
M. G. DIKSHIT
power and to whom the Silaharas owed their allegiance. The two
sets of Aparajita published in this memoir are therefore the earliest
known plates of the Silahara dynasty after the downfall of the
Rastrakuta dynasty and its overthrow by Calukya Tailapa, These
facts though obvious have not been stated in the memoir by
Mr. Gadre.
t
Both the grants arc issued on the same day in Saka 915 and are
about four years earlier than Bhadane grant ® of the same ruler
which was hitherto the earliest known grant by the same king.
These grants are important both from the point of Silahara and
Rastrakuta, history. ‘These have almost identical texts excluding the
details specifying the property granted to the donee who happens to
be one and the same person in both these grants.
Certain important events, made known to us for the first time
by these grants are described below.
From the point of Ra.strakuta history, verses 9 and 11 in both the
sets are noteworthy. From verse 9, it is made known for the first time
that Karkara, who was probably a relative or a feudatory Rastra-
kuta chieftain, fought on behalf of Govinda but was subsequently
overthrown by Amoghavarsa III with the aid of his allies. This
fact was already pointed out by Dr. Altekar in his Rashtra^mias
and their Times p. 110, where he had cited this verse from these
very plates, which were in the possession of Prof. Velankar and
which were since then considered to be untraceable.
Similarly, verse 11 from these plates was first cited by Mr. C.
V. VAIDYA in his History of Mediaeval Hindu India, Vol. If, p.
349, where he brought into prominence the implications of the
verse which describes graphically the condition of Southern India
during the reign of Rastrakuta Krsna III. It refers to the several
conquests over the Colas and other rulers which have surprisingly
been corroborated by subsequent research iij Rasfrakuta history.
f
From the point of Silahara History, the following points are
noteworthy.
In his introduction to these plates Mr. Gadre has discussed
the various implications of the name Silahara adopted by the
dynasty, where he has accepted the usual interpretation Sild-Ahdra
meaning rock-food, which the founder of the dynasty became in
S EL 3-371,
POLITICAL AND CULTURAL HISTORY OF KONKAN 381
order to save the life of the serpent Saihkhacuda. A verse com-
monly noticed in several Silahara copper plate grants is cited in
support of this. Apart from the legendary account obtained in the
Kathasarit-sagara^, in the Bhavisya^Purana"’, in the J^agananda
Tictakc^ (ascribed to Harsa and further supported by the account of
the Chinese traveller I-tsingi®). The earliest inscriptional evidence of the
popular myth associated with the name of JImutavahana, occurs in
the Sanjan plates of Amoghavarsa, dated Saka 793. It might be
mentioned h''re that a novel but different interpretation of the
dynastic name Sllara is found in the Prince of Wales Museum plates
of Silahara Chadvaideva, which may be given here for the sake of
general information to scholars interested in the evolution of this
myth.
Verse 17 of this grant narrates the usual story about the protec-
tion granted to serpents by Jimutavahana, son of Jimutaketu, but
in verse 19 of the same grant it is narrated that his descendants
/ ^
assumed the form of Silara in order to give protection to the ocean
when it was harassed by the arrow of Jamadagnya i. e. Parasurama.
Since then the princes of this dynasty came to be known as Silaras*
It is not clear however what exactly the word Silara means as it is
not found in any Sanskrit Dictionary. The original text of these
runs thus ;
( ?5r ) [ fr?T i
( BFT ) [ It ]* ^ ^ j^i; i [ miij*
[ 5^ ] q ^^:...etc.
The name of Goggi as Irmadi-Jhanjhd'^ is made known from
Aparajita’s plates for the first time, who is also compared to
Jhahjha, his elder brother. In the plates of Chadvaideva he is
called Dviguna-Jhanjha. • The name of Goggi’s minister Nagama is
also brought to light for the first time from these records.
" Gadre, op, cit., p. 38.
’ Katha-sarit-sagara, Chap. 20 and 90.
« Bhavi^ya PurancL. Pratisarga Parva, III, 15th AdhySya. ( Nir^ayasiSgar
edn. 268-270. )
» Edited by T. Ganapati SasTBI, Trivendrum Sanskrit Series, LO.
I-tsing, Records etc. pp. 163-4.
18-253.
I a Fojf the legend of ParasurSma’s defeat of the ocean, see Brahmdvdo
Purana, III,^ 57, verses 47 ff.
Irmadi is merely a Kanarese varient of Dvigui^a in Sanskrit.
15
382
M. G. DIKSHIT
The exact boundaries of the territory held by Silahara Aparajita
have some geographical significance. The village San^an which evid-
ently stands for Sanjan, was in the possession of the Silaharas in the
9-lOth centuries A. D., and the place-name which is distinctly
spelt here as above stated, settles once for all a contraversy'* re-
garding the word Hanjamana ( or Hanyamana ) occurring in many
Silahara inscriptions of the l()-12th centuries’*. Its identification
with Sanjan as attempted earlier has to be rejected in view of the
clear mention of the place-name’* in these two grants and the
explanation of the word has to be sought somewhere else than
Sanjan. From the context where this word Hanjamana appears in
the text of Silahara inscriptions, it seems certain that it has nothing
to do with any city or place, and this supposition was mainly due
to some wrong separation of the words Tiagara-poura-tri-varUa
by which it was followed in some records. It seems likely that
by Hanjamana, a corporation of Muslims ( Afijumana ) is probably
indicated in the inscriptions. Knowledge of the contemporary
social conditions leaves us in no doubt regarding the Muslims
having been fairly well settled on the western sea-board of India,
as would be indicated by the writings of Arab travellers’^ and
even from the inscriptional evidence’* obtained for Tajikas ( i. e.
Arabs ) as early as 738 A. D. during the times of Pulakesi II, We
find the Arab connections echoed in several inscriptions of the
period. Mention may be made here of a community of foreign
traders called Nawayats referred to by several geographers” who
cf. JBBRAS. 2J, 4- J8; lA. 41, 173. see also EJ. 12, 358-9.
For full references where this word occurs in SilSbSra inscriptions see
306-18.
In the Sanjan plates of Anioghavarsa this name occurs as Sanjan. E]
18,250.
Numerous Arab travellers have recorded about the dealings between
Indians and the Arabs and their settlements on the We.stern sea-coast, of.
Naiiiar. Arab Ocoyraphet;. Kvowhdyv af Sautlicrn India, Vh. III-IV*
■"* Cf. Bomh. Oaz., I, i, p. 1G9.-1
“The sailors of Siraf and Oman who were constantly on the sea and
visited various nations and islands, on the coast they were called Nawayats ’’
AI-MasUPI, “ Meadows of Oold ” ( Si’RENGER’S trans. p. 277 ). Feiushta says,
“ The Muhamedans extended their dominions in Malabar and many of the princes
and inhabitants being converts gave over the management of some sea-ports to
the strangers whom they called Nowayats ” Briggs tran. IV, p. 533, HOBSON-
JOBSON gives the meaning of Nawayat as follows ” Navaet, NaiteS, Navayat, — a
name given to muhamedans of mixed race in the Eonican and South Eanara”,
see also JBBRAS 33,370.
• See also, ABORl, 10.25-44.
t Cf. BHANPARKAR’S List, No. 1220,
POLITICAL AND CULTURAL HISTORY OF KONKAN 383’
seem to be the same as Nou-vit takas mentioned in some inscrip,
tions. In the Panjim Plates^i of Kadajnba Jayake^ II, dated ^ka
981, we get the names Nou-vittaka Aliya, Madhumad and Cha-
dhama belonging to the Tajika race ( Arabs ) where their names
are distinctly sanskritised for the sake of the inscription. One
Nou-vittaka Va-said is also mentioned in the Kharepa^an Plates^*
of Silabara Anantapala, dated Saka 1106, a name which could be
connected with Ba-5aid, evidently of Muslim origin. These refer-
ences leavt us in no doubt regarding the establishment of the
Muslim traders into a sort of corporation which probably is the
Hahjamana ( Ahjumana ) of the Silabara inscriptions. In support
of this theory it might again be stated that the word Hanjumana
occurs in several later inscriptions^^ of the Vijayanagara kings
where some Muslim traders arc stated to have belonged to the
Hanjamana. That Hahjamana would refer to some organization
like the Ahjuman is also clear from the words Hahjamana- pahea-
matha-sthana etc. appearing in the Cikodi Inscription^* of Silahara
Avasara III, dated Saka 910, as the context proves that it was
associated with some corporation or guild.
The mention of Sangamadisvara and Chiplun, which are cor.
rectly indentified with Sangamesvara and modern Chiplun
respectively, as included in the territory of Silahara Aparajita,
furnish us with a new and definite tract under the sway of the
Silaharas. In fact the only Silahara inscription from this territory
known upto now is the Chiplun inscription^ of Silahara Mallikarjuna,
dated Saka 1078, i. e. after a period of nearly 163 years a*^ter the
present two grants. It leads us to suppose that the territory in the
vicinity of Chiplun was continuously in the hands of the Silahara
dynasty for more than two centuries.
Punaka-desa, mentioned in these grants and now denoted by
the territory in the vicinity of modern Poona, is already known
Literally the word Nou-vittaka would meau a person whose wealth
consists in ships.
MORA.ES, Kadamha-kula, Appendix, III, 2.
lA, 9,33.
“•* e. g. Kaikini inscription, cf. PanchaMUKHI, Karnataka Inscription,,
I, 110-12.
Annual Report, BISM. for Saks 1835, p. 431.
KlELHOBN’s List. No. 311. This inscription is edited by the writer of this
note for JUB. Curiously enough though the original stone of this ins. was found
in Chiplun, the contents of the Inso. have nothing to do with the place. On the
other hand it refers to the Prap5laka-deSa corresponding to modern FanhSiS neat
Kolhapur, a territory governed by the Southern Branch of the Silahara dynasty.
384
M. G. DlKSHtT
to US from two earlier grants of RastrakOfa Krsna III. In one
of them“ this territory is called Punya-de^, while in the other”
it is called Punaka-de^, The change from Punaka to Punaka in
these grants approximates to its modern name more closely.
The mention of the territory belonging to Bhillama in these
two grants now helps us to identify him with a ruler of that name
from the Seuna dynasty and to whom Silahara Aparajita is recorded
to have rendered some help in other grants*® of the Silahara
dynasty.
The titles of Silahara Aparajita recorded in these grants are
also well worth a detailed study. Unfortunately all these titles are
not well separated in the text quoted in the Memoir, and in places
where they are so shown have been erroniously done. Many of the
titles are often repeated in • other Silahara records. The title
Pakama-sarnudradhipati, occurring in these plates show that Apa-
rajita was probably the first ruler of the dynasty to adopt it and
not Silahara Anantapala as was formerly supposed”.
The titles 'H.dnni-samudra, Villa-videnga^^’^ , Ganda-vangara,
Ganda-ruddhaphodi. Ganda-Tidrdyam etc. have certainly their origin
in Kannada, which indicates the South Indian origin of the Dynastyi
which is also shown by several names ending in ayyd occurring
in Silahara inscriptions including the present two grants. The title
Poona plates of RSstrakGta Krsna, Saka 680, BlSMQ^ 8,166-7.
2’ Talegaon plates of RfCsfrakHta Krspa, Saka 690, El, 13.275. cf. also
JBBRA8(m), 6,231-8.
® cf. the verse
appearing in many records,
10,2,410.
This title has been wrongly read in the memoir, in the text of both the
Grants. In grant A, it is erroniously separated. In the text of Grant B an
additional VI is erroniously left in the transcript and does not appear in the
facsimiles published. The meaning of this title is “One who is expert in
wielding a bow. " It may be noted here that in a contemporary record of
YSdava Bhillama II, dated Saka 922, we find the biruda “Sella-videga” cf EL
2*219 (line 51); As sella indicates a Javelin, this biruda, not explained by
KielhobK, has to bo translated as an “Expert in ( using ) a Javelin”.
POLITICAL AND CULTURAL HISTORY OF KONKAN 3®5
Tiarmi-samudra, which can be translated as “ Ocean of goodness”
has already appeared in the Bhadane plates of the same ruler.
Another title which has been read as Pusiganjja (?) vdta appears to
be Pusigajnyavata as the letter Jnya clearly resembles the forms of
th'' same letter obtained in lines 27, 40, 42, 54, 71 and 90 of Grant
A and lines 53 and 42 from Grant B. The meaning of the title seems
to be “Fierce wind to liars*” Though this interpretation is somewhat
doubtful, the new ''eading as suggested above seems to be beyond
doubt. Another^ interesting^^ title is Jhampamedrya the implies*
tions of which have dealt with at length by the writer of this note
elsewhere.
Regarding the property granted to the donee in grant B. it
might be noted that the village Salanaka situated in the Panad
visaya is previously mentioned^^ in the copper plate grant of Chad-
vaideva, where another orchard from this village has been
granted. The writer of this note has come across another Silahara
grant® in the Janjira State which he is trying to secure for a
faithful edition from the original plates which have not been traced
as yet. These plates purport to record a donation by the Silahara
ruler Chittaraja, in Saka 946, and state that the property granted
by it lay in the Panad Visaya. From this mention as well as from the
tenure of these three grants it seems certain that some part near
the coast in the modern Kolaba district of the Bombay Presidency
must represent the ancient division Panad. In our edition of the
grant by Chadvaideva both the places Panad and Salanaka have
been properly identified. The Panad visaya from all these references
appears to be an important visaya in the possession of the Silaharas
1 am obliged to Dr* G. S. Oai of this Institute^ for the meaning of this
expression.
R. O. BaKERJI had read these names as Salpraka and or Salpaka and the
name of the visaya as MRla^ in his notes on the plates of Chadvaideva. Our
examination of the original plates however shows that the names are as above
stated. The correctness of our reading is further corroborated by the mention of
the same village in these grants of AparSjita.
See the article on the Savai-Vere plates of Guhalla Deva II to appear
shortly in El, 27, by the writer of this note. In this article many points relating
to the political and cultural history of Konkan, in so far as it is concerned with
the Qapdeyi Ins. of Saftha, and not dealt with in this note are oriticaily examined.
Only a kind of transcript was made available to the writer through the
courtesy of Prof. H. D. Velankah of Bombay. The plates are yet to be traced from
the Janjira State. It is interesting to note that the donee of these plates was a
resident of Chipaluna,
386
M. G. DIKSHIT
at least from the middle of the 10th century till Saka 946 which
happens to be the date of the unpublished copper plate grant of
Chittaraja mentioned above.
The two Silahara grants have a fresh interest because of the
penalties mentioned in them. One of them is Kumari-sahasa,
molesting the modesty of a virgin, which, as has already been pointed
out by the editor of the Memoir, appears also in the grant^* of
Prthvicandra Bhoga^kti. Tt might further be added that it also
appears in an unpublished grant“ of a new Sinda ruler Govana
who ruled in the vicinity of Junnar in Saka 933. The word pre-
ceded by Kurmri-sahasa in these two grants appears to be !Hidha-
mlipaka instead of O^idKamliyaka as read by Mr. Gadre, Taken in
connection with Nidhana this word may refer to a tax collected on
hoarders of money ( Nidhana-alipaka, one who clings to money ),
EJ, 25,337.
This grant is under pubiication by the writer of this note in the NtA,
(September 1943 ) cf. El. 25,164, foot note 17.
PRACYA
THE DIALECT OF THE VIDUSAKA
By
D, G. Koparkap.
That PRACYA is the dialect of the Vidusaka in the Sanskrit
drama is attested by an unbroken tradition right from Bharata.^
Markan4eya (Mk) remarks that it is the dialect of other humorous
characters also. Prthvidhara in the introduction to his commentary
on the Mrcchak,, Purusottama (Pu) and Mk have found in this
dialect many popular expressions or colloquialisms from common
speech^ ( hkoktayo bahulatn ). Ramasarman Tarkavagii^ (RT) and
Mk observe that in this dialect we often find apparent paradoxes
and periphrasis or round about expressions ( vakrokti ), and Mk
further adds that insinuations or double entendres ( chekokti ) and
vulgar similes and expressions ( gramya upamokti ) are also the
peculiar features of Pracya. All these characteristics of this dialect
are quite applicable to Pracya if we remember the fact that it is
the dialect of the court jester or baffoon, whom tradition recognises
to be an old, intelligent and witty Brahmin.^
Another point on which there is no diflFercnce of opinion is
that this dialect is derived from and has the basis ( prakrti ) of
SaurasenI ( S ). PISCHEL in his Grammatik ( § 22 ) has noted that
the distinction of Pracya from S is very slight and is mostly of a
lexicographic nature. KEITH difierentiates the two by saying,
“ Pracya is a mere variety of Sauraseni, It may have been an
eastern dialect of the main language. ” ( Sk. drama, pp. 18, 128 ).
Now the question is whether the two dialects are to be
identified completely or not. To the compiler of the Paia-sadda-
mahamavo as well as to the Western grammarians, the speech of
the Vidusaka is S pure and simple. The present article is an
humble attempt to investigate how far the overwhelming testimony
of the authorities on dramaturgy, explicitly voting for a distinction
between Pracya and S, is reliable. The writer is of opinion that
^ Vide NUfya-iiCistra QOS, 17. 50; Sahitya-Darpana^ 6-161;
KalpatarUf I A, 1927, 2.2.4d; Da^a-Rapaka, 2.60; PraArr^a-iSarvo^va, Viaagapatiam,
1927, X. 1.
* Vide Prakrtanmnsanat Paris. 1938, X. 13.
^ Of. Sahitya^Darpana^ III. 79, karma^vapur-ve^a-bha^adyaih hUsyakarah^
388
D, G. KOPARKAR
Pracya was originally a patois of some eastern region and that it
was only at a later stage, probably, that the privilege of speaking
it was attributed to the Vidusaka and his amusing band.
In order to know whether any individuality can be allotted to
Pracya we must examine the Prakrit grammars on the one hand and
the speeches of the Vidusaka in all Sanskrit dramas on the other.
We begin with a conspectus giving the correlation of rules of
Pracya in the grammars available
Pracya Sutras
12th
century
15th or
16th
7 ,
Not later
than 17th
12th
13th
Pu X
RT II. 2
Pr.-Kalpa-
MkX
He IV
Tr. III. 2
Latika
and others
1
2
1'
4
264, 265
22,23
3
Id
4
4
2d
3a
5
2=
8
263
21
6
4=
2‘=d
7
4*'
2a
5.6
8
4c
3b
279
7
9
2ab
2
10
led ;
10
11
2b
12
4b
3c
12
13
3ab
7
14
l^-
1
3cd
3d
1
2a
3
4.
la
9
285
16
4»
lb
11
282
17
The parallelism among the four Eastern grammarians is so
striking that out of the 14 sutras in Pu, 8 are found in Mk and RT
and 7 in the Kalpalatika ; while, out of the remaining 6, three have
parallels in RT and in the Kalpalatika. RT has four sutras which
are not met with in Pu but which have regular correspondences
in Mk.
PRACYA the DiAL^Cf O# fHE VIdU^KA ^
Curiously enough, there are some five'' sntras in He^acandra
(He) and other grammarians of the Western School, giving rules
applicable virtually to but really to Pracya. In one of them
(No. 285)* He deems it necessary to insert the word vidusakasya
which the Eastern grammarians did not think in any way essential
as they had reserved Pracya for the Vidusaka alone. This gives us
a clue to believe that he is generalising only theoretically. He
identifies the two dialects by mixing their rules together, and calling
them “rules 3 f Saurasenl”. And this is but natural when we take
into account the fact that he was a Jain monk to whom attending
a dramatic performance was a sin in itself, but who, per controt
was a specialist in the Arsa or Ardha>MagadhI (AMg), the language
of the religious scriptures of his Svetambara sect, the twenty-five
Agamas. His grammar was thus written mainly to facilitate the
understanding of the Jain texts, and about them his information
was first-hand. As regards the exclusively scenic dialects, however,
he was not interested in them, and so he dealt with them only from
second-hand sources, copying the several sutras which he had found
in some older works. One may even go to the extent of saying that
He and other Jain grammarians of the Western School probably
did not go to the testimony of the Mss of the dramas but only
depended on their predecessors ( especially Jain ). They wrote for
the sake of religious propaganda and hence their grammars lack
originality.
This hypothesis about the eclectic nature of the grammar of He
is strengthened from another, direction. Namisadhu ( N ) in his
commentary on Rudrata’s Kdvydlankdra ( II. 11, 12 ) gave the
principal features of i’. Mg, Pai^ci and Apabhramsa (Ap.). He was
a Svetambara Jain and wrote the commentary in 1069, i. e., many
years before the birth of He. Since N was only a commentator and
not a grammarian, he must have quoted here some work on
grammar which was popular in his days. A comparison of the
citation in N with He shows that 19 out of the 27 S-sutras of He have
verbal prototypes in N, even the illustrations being the same-
Moreover, these 19 sutras include all the five sutras which are given
by He as peculiar to S, but which, according to the Eastern
grammarians, belong to Pracya. It can then be rightly surmised
that “the sections on S and Mg in the Siddha-Hemacandra arc not
first-hand They are probably composed after borrowing many
indications found in a treatise on dramatic art or on rhetorics of the
* Vld# Vocabulary (9) below,
1 «
D. G. KOPARKAR
type of that which is commented upon by N”.® The incorporating
of the Pracya sutras under S-sutras can be guessed to be a blunder
not of He, but of some other previous absent-minded commentator
(N himself?) who had mechanically put them in the S-section.
Trivikrama (Tr) and^his followers, Simharaja, Laksmidhara (Lx)<
Appaya-Diksita (App), Sesa-Krsna or Krsna-Pandita, Subha-Candra,
etc., imitate He faithfully and slavishly. They add nothing new.
The so-called Valmiki Sutras are merely a metrical version of He.
In all these grammars the rules and 'even the examples are the same.
The lucubrations of the grammarians of the Western school are.
in the words of Tli, Bloch, “the monologues of fools without any
connexion with the language of the texts”. The principal Prakrit
of He, for example, has been proved to comprise an unscientific
shuffling of the Maharastrl (M) of the gathas and of the epic poems,
the regional lyrics, Gaudavahq and Ravanavaho, and the language
of the canonical and non-canonical works of the Jains ( i. e., AMg.
and JM ). He does not indicate the sources of his illustrations and
hence the confusion is irremediable. As the idea of literary pro-
priety is foreign to him, as to many other ancient Indian writers, he
tends to reduce the Prakrits to M only.
The case with the Eastern grammarians is quite different.
They were true critics and had no sectarian bias. Secondly, they
had an uninterrupted tradition before them, right from the days of
Vararuci ( Vr ) when the Prakrits were no doubt living tongues.
Thirdly, their main object was to give the grammar of the dramatic
Prakrits in which they were adept.
The Grammar of Preaya
We give below the rules about Pracya as laid down by the
grammarians and try to find out how far those rules are followed
by the author of the Mrcchak, with the help of Stenzler’S, N.B.
Godbole’s and Dr. V. G.;Paran jape’s editions.
Phonology
The preference given to the dentals and to the sibilant -s- in S
is also to be found in Pracya. The intervocalic -t- is softened to-d-,
but in the majority of cases it is dropped, It is now generally
believed* that the change of -t- to -d- and the elision of -t- are
s Mme Nitti-Doloi, Les Orammairiens Prakritt, p. 170.
‘ Vide Dr. M. GHOSH, KarjMramafijati, Oal. 1939, p. 65, where the editor
shows several oases in which all his Mss agree in eliding the intervocal ~t-. On
p. uexv he shows that M is a later phase of B.
PRACVTA THE DIALECT OF THE VIDUSAKA 391
the two phases of the same dialect, S, the former being the older
one. What is true of S is also true of Pracya.
Morphology
(I) Pu RT, Mk and He are unanimous about bhavam being
the nom. sg. of bhavat-. He widens the scope of this final-m to all
words ending in -a;: and -at but this only in the voc. sg. He further
adds that this -m can be dropped optionally. Thus He illustrates :
bhavam, samane^ bhagavam (v. 1. bhayavam) Mahuvlre'’, maghavam
pagasasane, sampaiavam, kayavam, bhayavam, bho rayam* bho
Viayavammam, sukammam, bhayavam ’ kusumauha, PAK$E, bhayava
hudavaha.
In the Mrcchak., the form bhavam is attested in the nom. sg.
several times in all mss. tattha-bhavam twice, and bhaavam twice
(once as voc. sg.). We are not able to trace any voc. sgs. like raya
or bhayava in the speech of the Vidusaka. The loss of -m in such
words seems to be a feature of AMg and not of S or Pracya. The
evidence of the Mrcchak. thus goes against He.
(II) Prthvidhara mentions the sva^rtkika-kakara as a special
feature of Pracya, 'but later on in the same passage, (com. on the
Mrcchak., pp, 1, 2) he observes, svarthikah kakarah sarvatra, thus
allowing it in other dialects also. The suffix -ka (>a) is found added
to so many words by the Vidusaka in the Mrcchak. apparently
without any change of meaning. For example, dmantanamm, dud-
raena, Mitteao, Kdatthao, and so on. The description of the residence
of Vasantasena in Act IV contains many words having this suffix.
The ms A ofStenzler sometimes omits this -fea (>a) but this is
not corroborated by other mss.
The Eastern grammarians, on the other hand, unanimously
attribute this peculiarity of the otiose suffix -ka to the
Sakari Vibhasa and we find ample justification of the same in the
speech of Samsthanaka in the Mrcchak,
(iii) Pu, Mk, and RT Give-a as the ending of the voc. sg. of
<*-stems if persons of inferior rank are to be addressed or if con*
tempt is to be shown to the person addressed. Mk illustrates,
’’ He gives these as illustrations of S but they are possible in AHg or
Mg. It appears that he is quoting from memory from some Jain canonioal text.
» Tr, Si, App., and Lx read, raom.
* App. reads, bhaavam.
10 Pu, XIII. 9; RT, II. 3-5a; Mk, III. 5: Mk illustrates, eiakeda^ikaepuffuAe
392
D. G. KOPARKAR
osdTa fd cedaa osara, as opposed to the more polite way : ajja pat}a~
mami. He allows this suffix optionally to words ending in -in. Thus,
bho kancun, suhia, ” as against the respectful forms, bho tavassi, bho
manassi. N gives the same rules for words in -in and still his illustra-
tions are: Bho vayassd, bho vayassa. Tt does not allow the option
of dropping this -a and gives the forms, tavassid, ho mamssva.
Lx and Si give the option. Thus Ld : karid, }t<xn\ Si;
kancuid, kaheut, kancui.
PiSCHEL notes that the Pluti or lengthening of the final vowel
in the voc, sg. is used when a person is called aloud, and that it is a
usual feature of all dialects. In the Mrcchak, we find that the
Vidusaka addresses Carudatta always by the epithet, bho vaassa and
never by bho vaassa, thus showing him due respect, but to the
attendant he calls, Vaddhamdnad ( III. 9. 1, 8 ; I. 56. 33. In the last
instance GODBOLE reads -tma against all others ). His contempt and
wrath against Samsthanaka, the sole cause of the mischief of put-
ting the hero in the witness box are seen at IX. 30. 11 ff : are re
kdnelisudd, rdassdla-santhdnad, ussuhkhalad, kida jana-dosa-hhariddd,
bahu-suvatma-mandida-rnakkadaa, kuttamputtd. His regard for
Rebhila is shown by the epithet, bKdva Rebhila>*, and his contempt
for the messenger by the abusive term ddsie pirtta.^s
(iv) The future participle of Mm- becomes hdkkharnomo [*bhavi~
syamdnaK] (Pu), or oJdihamdno ( Mk, RT ), or sthorndno ( RT,
Grierson's emendation being, ohumdno). The stem hokkha-
l*bhosya-'] is very well attested in AMg but never in S or Pracya
Mk, VI. 19 prescribes for M the form honto but not homdno,
PiSCHEL (§ 476) allots homdna- to M but it is not found in the
Sattasai, Gaudavaho or Ravanavaho. Pischel (§22) says, “Perhaps
there seems to be a special rule for the future,’’-MAa-being regarded
Can we not render these words by kaftcukika and sukhika in Sanskrit,
thus having two more examples of svarthikakakara ? In any case the sense of
contempt indicated by the ending - a is explicit in these forms though He does
not mention it.
i’' ho, according to Ho, II. 217, is a podapararfarthe niputah in the principal
Prakrit, but not in S.
de, according to Ho, II. 197, is tammukhlkarane mpatah. in the
principal Prakrit.
> * IX. 29-9. Vide also I. 44-3 ; aappurisa ; V. 11.19. are Kumbhilaa paviaa,
saadam de, ahd only a few lines below : dnsie putla, Kumbktlad.
But not at V. 11-11 : dSsie utta duUha-paravoa. and at V. 474 : dadie
puUa duddit^a, where we should expeot it.
PRACYA THE DIALECT OF THE VIDD^KA ^
M the infix peculiar to Pricya, as distinguished from -ssa- of S.
In the Mrcchak, however, find no form like hokkhanuino, okkha-
nuaw or ohunuino although Mk quotes, "pandido okkhamano padhed{*
from some unknown source. Always in the speech of the VidOraka
we find future forms with the infix -ssa-}^ PiSCHEL’S conjecture
about -kkha-is thus groundless. We may hazard a conjecture that
as the grammarians«do not agree on the orthography of the form
the original might be hossamdno prescribed for Pracya as against
hossanto or huvisssavto of
Vocabulary.
(I) bhavatlybhodi, a word found So often in the Mrcchak and
already marked by Mk in the speech of the Vidusaka in the
Ratnavali ( ed. Cappeler, p. 351, 1. 24 ).
(II) duhitd> dhidd. FlSCHEL records dhidd, dhuda}’’ and dhta
in S and Mg. Out of these the last form is ‘false’, says he. It is,
however, only that form which is found in the Mrcchak. Thu
V. 6. 8 : ddsle dhide, IV. 29 12 : d ddsie dhte , — all editions agreeing.
(III) vakra->vahkuna^^-(Pn) or vankubha-{Mk, RT) or vaknu^^-
(Mk). Mk. illustrates, vaknu bhammi, dujiana-kdmmi~hiaa~vanku-
bhena imind danda-kaUhena (Ratnavali, cd. CAPPELLER, p. 339. 1. 15)
PiSCHEL notices S : vakka-, vahka^-, vankmi, calling the two forms
with “spontaneous nasalisation,” false ones. In the Mrcchak.,
kudila-is used twice in the place of any of the above forms.
Prthvidhara renders it by vakra-in the chaya. Thus ; amhdrisa-jana-
bhdadhea-hidilem danda-katihena (I. 42. 17), and Uiva hiaa-kudilem
danda-katthena (IX. 30. 17).
(IV) upaki-ta-> armhata- (Pu). Such preservation of inter-
vocalic ~t- is not likely in S or Pracya.
upakrta-{apakrta-,cm.of GRIERSON) >a&a/iada (RT, Kalpalatikd).
Mk. is silent. No such form in; the Mrcchak,
(V) are (are, em. ofiMme NlTTl-DOLCl) is used with vocatives
and also when indifference towards something is to be shown (Pu),
The Prakrta Kalpalatikd recommends it also when censure or
reproach (aksepa) is to be expressed. In the Mrcchak the VidQsaka
bhavissanif havissamo, karissasi, bhavUsadh huvissadif etc. Pisohel
could trace in bhaviasadi, pahavissadi, huvinadi, hossami, etc., oibhil - ( ^
Of. Pali I dkUd, and Sk . UkUta, CSrudatta's wife. Vide LUDERS
Mme NiTn~DoiX)l, proposes vanktida-which is frequent in Ap according
to He, IV. 418. Of. Marathi, vSkap, bend of a river.
»» Hultzsch, ZDMCt^ 61 p. 722, emends it into vahkn-^ a Vedic word.
•0 Fanika-is M aco ording to Vr, IV. 15 = He, I.i26» Mk, IV. 20.
D. G. KOPARKAR
generally begins his speech with hho, but when he is reviling
someone he says, 'are daste utta (V. 11. 35), are re ianelisuda ( IX. 30.
13), and 3 ddsie dhie (IV. 29. 12).
(VI) eva>pyeva^, cia or ced^ (Pu); jjea, jjia or jjeva,
all of which lose one j- if preceded by an anusvata^^ (Mk).
Mk. illustrates, tarn jea, tanjea, and so oa Mr, GODBOLE’S text has
the forms jewa and jjevva used indiscriminately, whether they are
preceded by an anusvara or not. In Dr. PARANJPE’S edition jewa
prevails in the first 60 pages and jjewa in the rest of the book. In
Mr, K. P. Parab*S edition jjeva is the rule and jjewa very rarely*
Stenzler’S constituted text has always jjewa, while jewa occurs
only rarely. The. generally accepted form thus appears to be either
(j)jewa or (j)jeva. Mk (VIII. 19, IX, 153 ) also prescribes jjeva for
M, as well as S, It seems then necessary to correct Pu here,
C. and j — can be easily confused in the process of copying, and we
can make Pu and Mk agree : jjeva, (j)jia or (j)jea. Buf even after
this violence to the text we do not find any of the last two forms
in the Mrcchak.
(VII) The interjection, avida avida, indicates dejection
( nirveda ), danger or assault ( Pu. RT, Mk ). For example, avida
avida bho kirn hhu jddam(MK). The Vidusaka in the Mrcchak,,
however, does not corroborate the unanimous testimony of the
Easterners.2^ On the contrary, the Sutradhara utters, avida avida
bho [ kastam kastam bhoh ] , on which Prthvidhara quotes the view
of the Easterners ( prdneah : adrstdsruta-samprdptau aviddvida-
bhoh-padam. At X. 30. 9, Samsthanaka uses the interjection :
( sabhayam ) avida madike ( avida mdtrke, Alas ! Mother ! ] which
is rendered in the chaya by the simple, hanta.
(VIII) Murkkah> Murvkkho (Mk), or murakkho (RT). Thus,
murukkha na jdt}dsi (Mk). murvkkho and mukkho are given for the
principal Prakrit by He II. 212. Our text of the Mrcchak. gives
only mukkha thrice (III. 26. 6.10: V. 11. 36) where all editors
agree. In Bhasa’s Carudatta also we have mukkho (Prof. Deodhar’S
ed. p. 231 ).
1 Probably a copyist's mistake for cceva.
““ (c)cia and (c)cea are used in the principal Prakrit according to Ho.
*!» “If preceded by a, t, «, 5. o,” says WOOLNEB, Intro, to FraHrit, § 68, bu*
this is also not true for the Mrcchak.
** Tn the Svapnavasavadatta, however, the VidQ^aka uses the word, avidS
Vide T8S. p. 58.
Who are these Easterners ? Hot of course, Pu, Mk or RT. For they all
really belong to the South. The term “ Eastern ’* Qrammarians is in fact a
misnomer for “ Southern. ”
PRACYA THE DIALECT OF THE VIDOsAKA 395
(IX) idamyinam, imam, or idam (Pu), but only inam according
to RT. The unanimous agreement of the editions of the Mrcchak,
and Carudatta about the form idam makes us ponder over ^the
forms inam and tmam given for Pracya by Pu and RT, and for S by
the Westerners.
(X) ht ht bho expresses the feeling of satisfaction or ejacula-
tion ( zufriedenheit ). Thus Mk : hi hi bho kosambl-rajia-ldbhena
vi piavaas^assa tdiso pariosona bhavissadi (Ratna^rall, ed CappELLER,
p. 349 ) ; He : ^aurasenydm hi hi iti nipato vidusdkdndm harse dyotye
prayoktavyah. hi hi bho sampannd manoradhd piya-vayassassa, Tr,
Lx, Subhacandra and Sesa Krsna give the very same illustration in
their slavish copying. Unluckily for He he quotes the same illus*
tration with the necessary Mg colour at IV. 302 : Ki hd sampannd
me manoladhd piyavayassassa. This indicates two hypotheses. One,
that he is writing a grammar of the theatrical dialects without
going to the dramas at all. and is thus required to create illustra-
tions to order. Two, that either of the two illustrations must be
original. If the former is so then the Vidusaka speaks S, if the
latter, then Mg. ;The latter supposition goes against all our know-
ledge of the Indian Theatre. He' must then speak S, — of course
that S which is explained by He and in which Pracya is incorpo-
rated.
hi hi bho is found often in the speech of the VidQsaka in the
Mrcchak. IV, indicating wonder. Only the words hi hi are used
twice by ^msthanaka ( X. 29. 9. VIII, 37. 30 ) and once by
Sthavaraka ( X. 30. 3 ).
(XI) hi niamhe expresses surprise or wonder. Thus Mk;
hi mdnahe aditthapuwam assudapuvvam khu Idisam ruvam. N gives
this interjection for wonder, dejection and fear. Thus, kt mdnahe
palissanta hage edind niyavihino duvvilasidena •, hi mdnahe jlvanta-
vacchd me janant. He, Tr, Lx, etc. follow N. Now the forms
palissanta and hage are Mg. Secondly. He gives the same illustra-
tions at IV. 302 of course with the Mg apparel. ... ‘sidena ... °scd ...
as spoken by Raksasas in the dramas Udattaraghava and Vikranta-
bhlma and hence also they must be Mg. He gives the sources
because he is confident about them. As regards ki mdnahe in S he
has no quotations forthcoming and so he borrows blindly from N
or some older source, and forgetting that he had quoted them in
the ^—section he again quotes them in the Mg — section.
f
In the Mrcchak. ki mdnahe is used by the SOtradhara in S,
while ki mddike [mdtrke\ by Sthavaraka in Mg (X. 30. 22) and
D, (3. KOPARKAR
396
thrice by Samsthanaka in Sakari (X. 38. 10, 51. 13, 55. 4). ht nianahe
thus seems to be a common property of all dialects.
Conclasion.
To sum up, Pracya and S belong to the same stage phonetically.
In morphology as regards the [vocative in -a and the change
of -an and -at endings, the Eastern grammarians are decidedly
more correct, while He is a generaliser, mixing up S with
AMg and JS. The suffix -ka, used svarthe is a , feature of
Pracya no doubt, but it is abundantly used in Sakari, for
which it is prescribed by the Eastern grammarians. In
vocabulary, the.rules about dhida, are, and ht ht bho are quite in
accord with the Mrcchak., those about idam-inam-imam and jia-
jea-jeva are partially applicable to the Mrcchak, while those about
avida, hossatnano, vahkubha-vahka-vaknu, avahada. In nianahe and
murukhha-muntkkha are not attested in the Mrcchak at all.
It does not necessarily follow as a consequence that the rules
about idam- etc. and about avida- etc. are not based on Sanskrit
dramas, but that we must collect material from other dramas also,
•—dramas, the text of which is critically reconstructed. So long as
that work is not completely done our study in the Prakrits is based
on [flimsy argumentation. For, it is only when the grammatical
forms are passed through the sieve of the laws of the Prakrit
grammarians on the one hand, and of the critically edited texts of
the dramas on the other, that a certain stability and status can
thereby be gained for.these forms.
The critical editions should be based on old and authentic mss
and the mss should not be corrected, sec. manu, to secure corres-
pondence with the prescribed forms as Sten KONOW“ has done .
In restoring a text critically, it should not .be made to subserve to
the editor's conception of what a dialect ought to be. The worthy
scribes of all ages, who though well-versed in Sanskrit were ignorant
of the Prakrits, have freely blended the Prakrit dialects one into
the other for the sake of consistency or agreement with the dicta
of a misled grammarian like He. What then should we say of
modern editors who are (to quote of them) “guided by the dictum •
S for the prose passages and M for the poetical ones !
** HOS^ p. zzii, “I have, in some places, introduced the peculiar forms of the
two dialects, even against the readings of all mss”.
Contrast with this the paradoxical view of Mme NtTTl-Douci, Les
Grammairiens PraJerits, p. 88 : "According to the N3tya-SSstra the oharaotera
on the stage speak a Prakrit nearer to M and sing in 8. "
PRACYA THE DIALECT OF THE VIDOSAKA 397
Appendix.
The Prakrta-Vyakarana written by Pt, Hrsikea Bhatta-
CARYA, Calcutta, 1883, cites three Anu^ubh verses, giving in a nut-
shell the laws of Pracya. It seems likely that they are quoted from
the Prakrta-Kalpalatika ( of unknown authorship ) .which the
author has used so often in his work, and which is certainly
different from the Prakrta-Kalpataru of RT which is composed
throughout in the Upajati.
A comparison of the printed text with the restored one will
speak ill of the mutilation of mss in copying and especially in
printing.
Text printed at p- 91
Restored Te-Kt
ft \
Ct *noi| i
,i[oi ^ sfifJr
50T ^ ^
diJ[i s —
^ 1
q^s ?WI 1
--c\ 1 .
qrat tn*^rq*n *i| ii
[ Note : — This is the first part of an article, started under the
guidance of my teacher, the late Dr. V. S. SUKTHANKAR, and now
being completed with the encouragement and advice of Dr. S. M.
Katre. The second part, containing an independent treatment of
Pracya as recorded in the different editions of the Mrcchak (includ-
ing, if possible, the additional material made available by Dr.
P. L. Vaidya of the N. Wadia College, Poona), and in the dramas
of A^vaghora and Bhasa, will be published in the Bulletin later, ]
17
REVIEWS
Rama Panivada’s Kamsamho ( a Prakrit poem in classical style ),
text and Chaya critically edited with Introduction, Transla-
tion and Notes, by Dr. A. N. Upadhye, m.a,, D.Litt., Professor
of Ardhamagadhi, Rajaram College, Kolhapur. Pp. 213. Hindi
Granth Ratnakara Karyalaya, Hirabag, Bombay 4, 1940.
In Dr. UPADHYE’s edition of the Kamsavaho, we find the same
scholarly and tactful handling of the not too ample MSS. material
that was available, for which his previous editions of works like
the Varahgacariia prepared us. Particularly ingenious is his
checking of some of the meaningless scribal errors of the copyists
of the available manuscripts, in the light of the sutras of Vararuci
which ( as the editor, shrewdly guessed). Rama Panivada,—
the author, might have followed, in view of the fact
that he has written a commentary on the Prakrtaprakasa of
Vararuci and uses many Prakrit words illustrated in the sutras and
commentaries on that grammar. The introduction deals with the
relevant topics regarding the author and his works. Very com-
mendable is the editor’s scientific approach to the problem of the
name of the Prakrit dialect of Kamsavaho. In the teaching of Prakrta
(which flourishes under the aegis of Ardhamagadhi, in the Univer-
sity of Bombay), this is, not rarely, a tough proposition, particu-
larly when there are writers like Rama Panivada with whom the
Prakrit language is a purely literary one, in the sense that they are
students of Prakrit grammars first and writers afterwards. Further
complications follow, when the author is a close student of Sanskrit.
For example, in the work under review, ( as the editor has been
careful to point out ) not only is the vocabulary mainly drawn
from the sutras of Vararuci with the commentaries thereon and
occasionally from the Prakrit prose of Sanskrit dramas but there is
also a large number of nominal and verbal forms which are direct
corruptions of Sanskrit forms, not to speak of conversions of strings
of Sanskrit words en bloc into Prakrit ! The edition before us is
without doubt a notable performance in every way and therefore
worthy of attention by all Prakrit scholars and students.
V, M. AptE.
REVIEWS
m
the Tarikh-I-Mueaffar Shahi By Qani'i, ed. by M. A. Z. Nadvi
and free translation of the Persian Text in Gujarati by Mr.
Chhotubhai R. NayaK. Published by the Gujarat Vernacular
Society, as its Research Series No, 22, pp. Persian text 88,
and Gujarati Introduction etc., pp. 105 Ahmadabad, Gujarat
Vernacular Society, 1942, Price Rs. 1-4-0.
Under the auspices of the G'ljarat Vernacular Society, Ahmada-
bad, the Persian text of the Tarikh-i-Muzaffar Shahi has recently
been publishec* with its Gujarati version and notes which has
been based on one Ms. of Muzaffar Shahi in the Bhola Nath
Library, Ahmadabad.
The Persian text^ to be discussed here under the above
title deals with the conquest of Mandu (• Malwa ) in A. H.
924 A. D, 1518 by Sultan Muzaffar Snah II of Gujarat, who set
out on 4th Zu’l-Qa‘da, year 923 against Medni Rai, the then
chief minister of Mahmud II of Malwa. It concludes with the
banquet offered to him by Mahmud Khalji, in the capital gener>
ously restored by Muzaffar to the former on 15th Safar, year 924
( 26th Feb. 1518 A. D. ) The Persian text, having an ornate style
mixed with prose and poetry, seems to contain more literary value
than history and it does net any where bear its name as Muzaffar
Shahi; this is perhaps, only later on added by the scribe in the colo-
phon, Its real name ought to have been the Fath-i- Mandu (the
Conquest of Mandu) as in the preface the author has expressed his
motive to describe the Fath-i-Qala-i-Shddiabdd (the Conquest of
Fort of Shadiabad-Mandu). To justify its name Muzaffar Shahi
it must comprehensively deal with the whole range of the reign of
Muzaffar Shah but such a work has not reached us. The Mirat-i-
Sikandari, the only comprehensive history of the Sultans of
Gujarat, quotes, the Tariklui- Bahadur Shah9 for this perticular
incident of the reign of Muzaffar Shah II instead of the Muzaffar
Shahi, although the Mirat-i-Ahmadi^ being a much later
compilation quotes one Muzaffar Shahi. It means that Shaikh
Sikandar the author of the Mirat-i-Sikandari was not cither
familiar with any such compilation or that it was not accessible
to him. Though quite unaccountably the mention of two Muzaffar
The reviewer had also intended to publish the same Muzaffar Shahi based
on the same MS. at Ahmadabad, with introduction, notes etc. in English which the
Deccan College Research Institute, Poona had lithographed in 1941 ( vide Annual
Report 1940-41 ) much earlier than the publication of the Gujarat Vernacular
Society, Ahmadabad, but owing to other pre-occupations it could not be taken up.
^ The Mirat-i-Sikandarif Bombay, 1890, p. 147.
» The Mirat-i-Ahmadi^ ( Baroda edition ), pt. 1. p. 63.
400
REVIEWS
Shdhis * has crept into the introduction of the printed editions
yet the introduction of the MSS, of the Mir oUi^Sikomdoii does not
mention it at alP,
In the first place it is found that M. Nadvi has failed to iden-
tify its author who having his nom-de^plume Qani4 speaks thus
in its preface^
j ^ y J ^ ^ ^ V4>1I Lfl) ^ ^ *
— 1 >> ^ ^ ^ ^ j (5 vJ j7 ^
j k) jj I ^3 ^ ) vX) ) j j j ^ ^ ^
U ) « k)^-eJ />i ^ J • j
^ ^ ) J* 1-6J i) Ulifi ) J ^ y ) U^jf jUi y
'r^y* y J^ j^hj *;vv y i^ vi/ii
0 »3 ^ ^ y_^ ^ ^ ^ ^ r? m*'*** f ^ ^ j ^
The above Persian quotations can be expressed thus :—
The most humble Qani'i, who has no pretention to knowledge
and learning writes a detailed account of this (Conquest of Mandu)
campaign by the order of Sultan Muzafiar Shah and he had made
no attempt at writing prose before.
M, A. Nadvi has not only failed to identify the author like
Dr. Rieu, the cataloguer of the Persian MSS in the British Museum
London, Add. 26, 27 A. but also attributed it to one Malali following
the introduction of the printed edition of the MiraUiStkandari.
Moreover, this Malali in the printed edition of the Mirca-i Sikandarf
ought to have been read as Mullae meaning one Muld, a learned
person,® not as a name or nom-de-plume of any author as taken
by Nadvi.
It is a fact that neither local histories nor any other sources
come to our rescue with any useful information concerning the
* The Mirat-i-Sikandari, op. cit. pp. 2-3.
“ Chaqhatai, M.A., A MS. of the Mirat-i-Sikandari, Bulletin DCRI, Poona,
Vol. iv. pp. 127-34. Four Mss. of the same cited here after personal observation
do not hear the mention of the Mmaffar ShaM.
* Text of the Muzaffar Shahi, pp. 6, 8.
’ The Mirat-i-Sikandari, op, cit. pp. 2-3.
" Proceedings of the Indian History Congress, Calcutta, Undifcovtred
Pre- Mughal Source Bookf, by M. Habibulla, pp. 858-76,
REVIEWS 461
life of poet Qini'i. However, one poet having his nom-de-plume
Qani'i is found whose full name was Mir Sayyid Ali of Kashan and
he had left for Isfahan where he spent the subsequent part of his
life in great respect and peaccj^ He may presumably be taken
as the author of this historical account, who might have left India
just after this incident and thus his mention has been ignored by the
local historians.
Though formerly both Malwa and Gujarat Muslim kingdoms
have always been at variance with each other yet the atrocities of
Medni Rai, the chief minister of Malwa.compelled Sultan of Malwa
to seek the help of Sultan Muzaffar of Gujarat against him. This
Purbiyya Rajput, named Rai Chand and known as Medni Rai was a
native of Dipalpur in Malwa, which lies just in the north of Indore.
He started his career under the Sultaas of Malwa as a Thanedar.i"
He and his men had helped Sultan Mahmud of Malwa on several
occasions which raised Medni Rai’s influence at the court to such
an extent that consequently Sultan Mahmud became apupbet in the
hands of Rajputs.
Qani‘i's Persian account, in florid prose full of poetical expre-
ssions, is not sometimes easy to follow as far as its main purport is
concerned. Hence M. NaDVI’S Gujarati version in some places
requires further clarification. For instance on 6th Zu’l-Qa’da, year
923, the Sultan Muzaffar and his party leaving Halol came to the
city of Shahar-i-Nau,” which M. NADVI could neither clear it in the
text nor identify it. It is the same Shahar>i-Nau which was invaded
by Dongar Singh of Gwalior in the period of Sultan Mahmud Kbalji
I, of Malwa in 1443 and to day it is known as Nawagaon. On 11th
Zu’l-Hajja year 923 the army proceeded towards a place named
Wantegaon which at present can be identified as Wani.'* In the
Mirat-i-Sikandari it appears as Dhanigaon.'^ etc., etc..
The lithographed text of the Muzaffar Sliaht is based on one
Ms. In some places the readings of certain words seem doubtful;
therefore a further study of the text suggests some probably correct
readings which will be published elsewhere.
M. A. Chaghatai
• TukfaiuH-Kiram^ vol ii. p. 236; Subhr-i^Oulahan^ p, 339; 8ham*a--{*
AnjumaUf p. 389.
Hajjlu’d-Dabir, p. 313.
Ibid» p. 111. According to the Tahaqat-’i^Akhari ( Eng. Tr. ) vol, lis.
p. 205, it ia Dipnlpur Banharia in Malwa which was given as gift to Malik Mukli«»
lisu'l-Mulk by Sultan Hosahng Ghori of Malwa. Survey Map. No. 46» N. 9.
Tabaqat--i-Akbari, vol. iii. p. 583,
** Shahr-i-Nau or Nawagaon, Survey Map No. 46 P/ 1(K-14. Firishta vol.
il, p. 485.
Survey Map No. 46 J / 9-13.
The Mirat-^i-^Sikandari, XX. p. 148,
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